# A dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali

Jonathan Brindle

African Language Grammars and Dictionaries 2

# African Language Grammars and Dictionaries

Chief Editor: Adams Bodomo Editors: Ken Hiraiwa, Firmin Ahoua

In this series:


# A dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali

Jonathan Brindle

Jonathan Brindle. 2017. *A dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali* (African Language Grammars and Dictionaries 2). Berlin: Language Science Press.

This title can be downloaded at: http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/74 © 2017, Jonathan Brindle Published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Licence (CC BY 4.0): http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ISBN: 978-3-944675-91-6 (Digital) 978-3-944675-92-3 (Hardcover) 978-3-946234-93-7 (Softcover) DOI:10.5281/zenodo.344813

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# **Contents**



## Contents


3.1 Noun phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333

## Contents



# **Preface**

This book presents the first edited compilation of selected lemmas of a Chakali lexical database which I developed over the last 9 years, together with Chakali consultants, while being affiliated to the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), Trondheim, Norway (2007-2011, 2012-2016), to the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, Legon, Ghana (2012), and to the University of Leuven, Belgium (2016-2017). In 2009 the first version was printed out and given to consultants to corroborate its content. Another version was distributed in 2011 in the community schools of Katua, Motigu, Ducie, and Gurumbele as part of an informal indigenous literacy awareness campaign.

The content of this book is based on some parts of my unpublished doctoral thesis (Brindle 2011) and recent publications. While the dissertation's appendix was expanded to make up the dictionary and the reversal index offered in the second and third parts of this book, the grammatical outline has been condensed and improved to make up the phonology and grammar sections presented in the fourth part. Although the grammar is written with an academic audience in mind, an audience interested in Grusi linguistic topics, it does not presuppose any knowledge of any particular linguistic theory. It should neither be compared to comprehensive grammars, as many aspects are not thoroughly covered, nor to pedagogical grammars, as it does not propose any prescriptive standards or exercises. Therefore the grammar lies beyond the scope of a typical dictionary grammar. To publish the data while time and funds were still available and Chakali is still relatively vibrant was felt most imperative.

For those who are sceptical about the time and energy spent on gathering and writing down linguistic knowledge for an non-literate community, my stand is that if comes a time where a significant minority of the Chakali-speaking community becomes literate, the language might have already changed considerably. So the material may contribute to its study or revival. Furthermore, I constantly receive strong recognition of the value of our work by Chakali people who migrated and long for things and situations of the past, and by the local authorities who can at last see that their language receives attention.

Making a dictionary is a never-ending task, but the consultants and myself are proud to present this book, the first on the Chakali language. Being a work in progress, there is much left to do in order to reach a substantial dictionary and grammar of the language. Nevertheless, it is my hope that there will be future work on Chakali lexicography and that it will be carried out mainly by those who speak the language.

> Jonathan A. Brindle Leuven, Belgium March 2017

# **Acknowledgement**

The completion of this project was dependent upon a multitude of factors, the most important being the knowledge and generosity of Chakali-speaking individuals. I am indebted to Daniel Kanganu Karija, Fuseini Mba Zien, Afia Kala Tangu, Awie Bakuri Ahmed, Seidu Kassim Tangu, Henry Seidu Daannaa, Godfrey Bayon Tangu, Kpersi-Naa†, Kotia Nwabipe†, Mangwe-Naa†, Mark Zoon-Naa†, Amoa Bari-Naa, Siibu Jakalia, Kala Osman, and Adam Sakara Baduong, among many others, for their instructions and enlightenments. I owe special gratitude to Daniel Kanganu Karija for his loyal contribution since the very beginning of my learning journey. A special thank you goes to Jonas Kpierekoh, a specialist in agroforestery and principal programme officer at the Environmental Protection Agency, who spent time with me and local experts in Ducie working on the scientific name of many tree species. With immense gratitude, I thank everyone in the villages where I stayed – especially Ducie and Gurumbele – for their warm welcome, hospitality, and cooperation.

This book has undergone several stages and has benefited from the suggestions and criticisms of many people. I would like to express my deep thanks to Mary Esther Kropp Dakubu (who is sadly no more), for her guidance, support, advice, and linguistic insight throughout the years. I wish to thank my wife Léonie, and friends and colleagues, Benjamin Waldron, Felix K. Ameka, Kaja Borthen, Albert Awedoba, Tyson Farrell, Lars Hellan, Jolanta Bachan, Rachel Selbach, Kenneth Mango, and Assibi Apatewon Amidu, who kindly suggested corrections, and commented on earlier versions. For his assistance with the carthography, thanks to Per Wirehn. I gratefully acknowledge the generous assistance John Rennison and Tony Naden have provided at different stages. Thanks as well to ALGaD Series' Editors and to Sebastian Nordhoff at Language Science Press for his editorial aid in preparing this book for publication.

# **Abbreviations - Part II & III**


### Abbreviations


Abbreviations

# **Abbreviations - Part IV**



Abbreviations


# **Part I Introduction**

# **1 General remarks on the language**

Chakali (tʃàkálɪɪ́)́ 1 is a language spoken in seven communities in the Wa East District, Upper West Region of Ghana. It is currently classified into the Grusi Southwestern (or Western) subgroup of the Gur family, alongside Dɛg, Vagla, Tampulma, Kyitu/Siti, Phuie, Winyé, and varieties of Sisaala (Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2014; Hammarström et al. 2016). These minority languages are spoken in northwest Ghana, southwest Burkina Faso, and northeast Ivory Coast. The languages Tampulma, Vagla, Dɛg, and Pasaale – a variety of Sisaala – are the closest to Chakali in terms of mutual intelligibility.

The area where the language is spoken is bordered to the east by areas inhabited by Waali (wáálɪɪ́) and Bulengi ( ́ búléŋĩĩ́) speakers. These two languages ́ are virtually undocumented languages, which, diachronically, can provisionally be classified as Western Oti-Volta based on folk linguistic factors. Waali, the language spoken in Wa and some surrounding villages (see Figure 1.1), can be considered to be the lingua franca of the Upper West Region of Ghana (Brindle 2015a). Bulengi, on the other hand, is the language of Bulenga (and some surrounding villages like Gilan, Chagu, and Dupari), a fast-growing town in terms of population and development. To the north, Chakali is bordered by Pasaale-speaking villages, and Kpalewagu, whose inhabitants maintain a Mande language known as Kantosi. Tampulma speakers are mainly found in some villages of the Northern Region, but a few villages to the west are within the Upper West Region's border (i.e. Holumuni and Belezing). To the south and southwest lie Vagla-speaking villages and the uninhabited Mole National Park.

<sup>1</sup> ISO 639-3: cli (Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2016); Glottocode: chak1271 (Hammarström et al. 2016)

#### 1 General remarks on the language

1.1 Previous work

# **1.1 Previous work**

The late English anthropologist Jack Goody presented the first linguistic data on the Chakali language, namely 38 words gathered on August 29th, 1952, in Katua (Goody 1954: 33). He is responsible for the identification of the existence of the language and the people who speak it.<sup>2</sup> The passage reads:

I do not know of any previous record of the existence of the group speaking this dialect. Although now living entirely within the administrative district of Wa, there is in their midst the village of Kandia inhabited only by Guangspeaking Gonjas. The chiefship of Kandia was an important office in the Gonja political system. Either at the time of the arrival of the British military forces or a little before, during the course of a war between the State of Wa, allied with Bole, and the Yabumwura, the senior chief of Gonja, it fell within the orbit of Wa. The western section of the group comprising the villages of Chago, Bisikan, and Bulinga speaks Wala, i.e. the dialect of Dagari spoken within the State of Wa, and was certainly under the influence of the Chiefs of Wa before the European conquest. The Chief of Bulinga, the central village of this section, claims to have been a Kamboŋa (a semidependent war-chief) in relation to Wa. The eastern group of the Chakalle speak Chakalle and seem to have been under the suzerainty of the Gonja Chief at Kandia. This group consists of the villages of Katua, Tuosa, Sogla, Motigu, Chasia, Ducie and Gurumbele. (Goody 1954: 3)

Approximately ten years later, Chakali data is used to confirm the Grusi cluster in Bendor-Samuel (1965). <sup>3</sup> The material, a list of 97 words, is said to have been produced by Mr. E. R. Rowland. His notes have not been located and remain unpublished. Manessy (1969a,b) reconstructs a *gurunsi commun* based on an average of 80 words from twenty-six Grusi languages. He uses only 36 Chakali words, all of them extracted from Bendor-Samuel (1965).

<sup>2</sup> There may be British and/or French colonial documents somewhere which mention *Chakali*. For instance, it is known that French Captain Louis Gustave Binger and his troop attacked some of Babatu's men in Ducie. Binger's reports were impossible to get hold of. Wilks (1989: 133) writes "Zabarima occupation of Ducie occurred probably early in May 1897".

<sup>3</sup> Grusi as a language cluster has been defined and confirmed in several publications (Delafosse 1912; Köhler 1958; Bendor-Samuel 1965; Manessy 1969a,b; Kleinewillinghöfer 1997), but the term *Grusi* and its spelling variants (i.e. *Gurunsi*, *Grunshie*, *Gourounsi*, etc.) have always existed in the French and English colonial vocabulary without great unanimity on its designation (Tauxier 1921; 1924; Rattray 1932a,b; Nicolas 1952; Duperray 1984).

#### 1 General remarks on the language

In 1974 and 1994, sociolinguistic surveys were carried out in the Chakali area by the Ghana Institute of Linguistics, Literacy and Bible Translation (GILLBT), formerly Ghana Institute of Linguistics (GIL), which is the Ghanaian branch of the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) (Reimer & Blass 1975; Tompkins, Hatfield & Kluge 2002). For these two surveys, the main goal was to investigate the need of Chakali language development and to assess Waali comprehension. No language data is offered in Tompkins, Hatfield & Kluge (2002), and Reimer & Blass (1975) could not be found at the GILLBT headquarters in Tamale when I visited in 2008, nor obtained from one of its authors, the late Regina Blass. In 1999, Ulrich Kleinewillinghöfer spent a few hours in Wa with Godfrey Bayon Tangu (Kleinewillinghöfer 1999). In this short period, he gathered approximately 150 words and from them inferred some generalizations on Chakali nominals. In 2001, a Brazilian known as Pastor Ronaldo worked with two language consultants in order to start a vernacular literacy project. The initiative came from the Evangelical Church of Ghana. Two illustrated booklets were written, aiming at adult literacy. The first booklet introduces the designed alphabet and the second consists of syllables and short sentences thematically organized. In 2005, Mary Esther Kropp Dakubu spent two days with an informant from Jayiri, gathering general information on Chakali (Dakubu 2005). Her intention was to investigate the situation on site for a possible documentation project. Due to the condition of the road, she was not able to reach the villages where Chakali is spoken by the majority of the inhabitants. Her unpublished report presents data which was believed to be representative of Chakali, but which transpired to be an idiosyncratic mix of Waali and Chakali, and some Bulengi, the language spoken in Bulenga and surrounding villages. Finally, there are other studies that deserve to be mentioned: Henry Seidu Daannaa, a native Chakali from Tuosa, presents a retrospective study of the practice of indirect rule which affected the social and political organization of Chakali during the colonial administration (Daannaa 1994); Cesare Poppi conducted anthropological research which focused on issues related to knowledge, secrecy, and initiation (Poppi 1993), and theoretical issues concerning the analysis of the representational status of masks, particularly the *Sigmaa* masks which are cornerstones in the Chakali belief system; finally, the work of Dougah (1966), Wilks (1989), and Salih (2008) are good overviews on the role of the Chakali land and people in the political and cultural history of Wa.

This was the complete list of work written on Chakali when I started the research in 2007. It shows that the language has been known to exist since 1954, yet very little work had been done, and much that was written remains unpublished. Since then, some work has been published or distributed locally (Kanganu

1.2 Chakali lects

& Brindle 2008a,b; Brindle 2008a,b; 2010; 2011; Brindle & Atintono 2012; Brindle 2015b; 2016).<sup>4</sup>

# **1.2 Chakali lects**

With Chakali, three concepts can be identified. The term may be used to name a land, an ethnic group, or a language. However it would be wrong to assume that a member of the Chakali ethnic group or someone living in Chakali land necessarily speaks the language. This is what Goody describes when he writes: "[t]he Chakalle who inhabit the eastern part of the Wa district are split into those speaking a language of the Mossi group and those speaking a Grusi language. 'Speaking a language' refers to the tongue which dominates in the child's play group; the eastern Chakalle who use a Grusi language in this context are in fact mostly bilingual. The common name for the group derives from a recognition of uniformity in other social activities." Goody (1954: 2). It is crucial to keep in mind that the notions of land, ethnicity, and language are intricately interwoven. For instance, according to Daannaa (1994), *Chakali* consists of thirteen communities and their inhabitants: Bulenga, Tiisa, Sogla (variant spelling Sawla), Tuosa, Chagu, Motigu, Ducie, Katua, Bisikan, Kandia, Dupari, Gilan, and Gurumbele. By contrast, the sociolinguistic censuses which I carried out indicate that *Chakali* is the language of the inhabitants and forefathers of Tiisa, Sogla, Tuosa, Motigu, Ducie, Katua, and Gurumbele exclusively.

The collective demonym for the people of the latter seven villages literally translates to m̩ ̀ ŋmá kàà *(lit.)* 'I say that', whereas that of the people of Bulenga and surrounding villages translate to ŋmɪnɪ ́ ŋ dʒɔ ́ ̀ŋ 'What is it?'. In this folk-sociolinguistic categorisation, the Waala are the ǹ̩ jɛ́jàà'I say that'.<sup>5</sup>

Another popular distinction is that of 'black' and 'white' Chakali: respectively, tʃàkàlbúmmò 'Black Chakali' is a notion which connotes with secretive individuals and possessors of powerful medicine. To the best of my knowledge, this is equivalent to what m̩ ̀ ŋmá kàà represents. The notion of tʃàkàlpʊ̀mmá 'White Chakali' corresponds, according to my 'Black Chakali' consultants, to talkative

<sup>4</sup> All of the information used in Sections 1.2 and 1.3 are taken from Brindle (2015b), a work on the vitality of the Chakali language and culture.

<sup>5</sup> Rattray (1932b: 525) writes that the Awuna, a Kasem dialect also known as Aculo (Naden 1989: 147), has earned its appellation based on a habit of "prefacing an observation with the words" *a wun a* 'I say'. It is indeed the case that a Chakali can open a sentence with *m̩̀ ŋmá kàà, …* 'I say that, (…)'. To hear the Ghanaian English opening expression *à sé ɛ̃ ̀ɛ̃ ̀* 'I say eh, (…)' in Wa, with the last word being a complementiser introducing a new clause, is not unusual.

#### 1 General remarks on the language

people who cannot hold back. They comprise the inhabitants of Bulenga, Dupari, Bisikan, Chagu, and Gilan, that is, those villages included in what Daannaa (1994: 2–3) identifies as Chakali people, minus the villages where the language is said to be indigenous. Obviously, if one asks the same question in Bulenga and surrounding villages one may get a different interpretation of the distinction between 'black' and 'white'.<sup>6</sup>


Table 1.1: Collective Demonyms and associated villages

Table 1.1 organizes the information for convenience. It also constitutes a hypothesis to be tested since the denominations do not necessarily map one-to-one, the Western Chakali and Waala would need to be extended, and discussions I had about these self-identifications were often confusing. For instance, some men interviewed in Tuosa in 2014 told me that Tiisa, Tuosa, and Katua are not m̩ ̀ ŋmá kàà, but are tʃàkàlbúmmò.

All the Chakali lects are mutually intelligible. Still, each village is recognised to have a set of unique features. Examples of lectal variation are provided in

<sup>6</sup> Goody (1954: 14–15) reports a 'Black Waala' and 'White Waala' division, the former being the dominated group, that is commoners and pagan, while the latter being the dominant group, that is members of the chiefly lineage and Muslim. Tony Naden (p.c.) confirmed to me the existence of 'Black Dagomba', with no correlative 'White', and suspected it to refer to the descendants of the original inhabitants in contrast to the aristocracy, therefore roughly Black = 'commoner' vs. White = 'aristocracy'. In the case considered here, the interviews with 'Black Chakali' individuals tell us about the resources people have available for telling their world and creating an identity. Assuming that the connotation of the division black/white is ruled/ruler, dominated/dominant, or commoner/chief, then it appears that despite being labeled as 'black', one can exploit this sense of the concept in order to associate one's group with more positive cultural implications. This social categorisation is in need of further study.

#### 1.3 Language vitality

Brindle (2015b) and the dictionary includes some lectal usages, but one recurrent illustration of folk-dialectology is how each village would express 'to eat yam': Motigu, Gurumbele, Tuosa, Tiisa, and Katua 'chew' yam *(tie)*, whereas Ducie 'eat' yam *(di)*. And while 'yam' is pronounced *kpããŋ* in Motigu, Gurumbele, and Ducie, it is pronounced *pɪɪ* in Tuosa, Tiisa, and Katua. Thus, if someone says *tie kpããŋ*, he/she is easily identified as someone from either Gurumbele or Motigu. The expression *di kpããŋ* is typically uttered by someone from Ducie, and *tie pɪɪ* by someone from Tuosa, Tiisa, and Katua.

# **1.3 Language vitality**

The number of Chakali speakers is close to 3500 individuals. It is spoken by all community members in Gurumbele and Ducie, and by the majority in Motigu and Katua. It is spoken to a lesser extent in Sogla, Tuosa, and Tiisa. In the other villages which are considered as parts of Chakali land, people speak a language similar to Waali, the language of Wa, or Bulengi, the language of Bulenga. Waali is known by the majority of Chakali speakers, but is used differently from community to community. Chakali is believed to be on the road to extinction: some believe that Waali and Bulengi are the languages which will be spoken throughout the whole of the Chakali villages in the coming decades.

Brindle (2015b) determines the vitality of Chakali by i) examining sociological and historical factors that may be seen as linked to the language's vitality and responsible for language change, and ii) using the answers to the questionnaire developed in UNESCO (2003). It suggests a division of the Chakali villages into three groups, which are presented in Figure 1.2. Sogla, Tiisa, and Tuosa correspond to the villages where the intergenerational transmission is ineffective and where Waali is used in formal and informal domains. They are the endangered-1 villages (E1). Motigu and Katua correspond to E2 villages. In both villages, Waali is encroaching on Chakali in formal and informal domains. The situation is not alarming since Chakali is spoken by the majority and the intergenerational transmission is effective, but, as outlined in the survey (Section 2.2.2 in Brindle 2015b), given the average population size of the villages and the recent conversion to Islam of their youth, among other factors, it is worth considering that a language shift to Waali may take place within a short period of time. A. B. Sakara and H. S. Daanaa, both born in Tuosa and prominent Chakali figures, told me that Chakali was spoken by everyone in their village when they were children, i.e. in the 1950s and 1960s. There are no signs indicating that the same language replacement which took place in Tuosa cannot take place in Motigu and Katua. Finally,


Figure 1.2: Estimated degree of endangerment for the E1 {Tuosa, Tiisa, Sogla}, E2 {Katua, Motigu} and E3 {Gurumbele, Ducie}. A value within square brackets applies to E1, E2, and E3 villages as whole. The number in parentheses is a relative grade used in the language vitality assessment (see UNESCO 2003: 7)

a

#### 1 General remarks on the language

#### 1.4 Data collection method

the E3 villages, Gurumbele and Ducie, show the most effective intergenerational transmission of the Chakali language. Both villages also establish local alliances (i.e. marriage, common shrines, one assemblyman for both villages, etc.). Waali is spoken and understood, yet it is usually spoken in specific domains, essentially in official visits from the district or regional capital conducted by governmental bodies, and to Waali-speaking visitors, traders, or migrant farmers.

# **1.4 Data collection method**

Nearly every year since 2007 I made a field trip to the Wa East District of Ghana, usually in the dry season, i.e. a period between February and May. Most of my stays were spent in a Chakali-speaking village. The linguistic data was gathered mainly in Ducie, and sociolinguistic surveys were conducted in Katua, Motigu, Sogla, Ducie, and Gurumbele. I had several overnight stays in Motigu, Gurumbele, and Wa, and a few day trips to Katua, Tiisa, Tuosa, and Sogla.

Different elicitation techniques were used to gather linguistic and encyclopedic data, most of them influenced by language documentation methods (see Lüpke 2009). The most authentic and natural data comes from impressionistic and manual auditory transcription of audio recordings involving events such as transactions at the market, meetings with elders, and interviews with commoners. In these cases wordlists were created out of the transcriptions. The least natural data are pieces of translation work or exchanges of information with consultants of the type 'how do you say X' or 'what is X' where X stands for an intended entity or proposition, using English or Chakali as the medium of communication. Translations from English to Chakali and from Chakali to English were performed through a collaboration with my main consultants, namely: Daniel Kanganu Karija (male, 58 Y.O., Ducie), Fuseini Mba Zien (male, 54 Y.O., Ducie), Awie Bakuri Ahmed (male, 31 Y.O., Gurumbele), and Afia Kala Tangu (female, 34 Y.O., Ducie). Small-scale quantitative studies required at times as many as 30 different speakers, all of them from Ducie. In such studies, the method of elicitation consisted of having a significant number of native speakers interpreting, identifying and expressing perceived stimuli, which provided me with a level of authenticity unattainable in (bilingual) elicitation of wordlists. The degree of consensus within the responses was interpreted as signalling core, secondary, or 'accidental' meaning. The same method was also useful in practical lexicography sessions when the discovery procedure involved taxonomies unknown to me. The domains of animals and plants required the identification of species and their associated pronunciation. A problem arises when the visual access to some

#### 1 General remarks on the language

species is practically impossible, e.g. wild animals or seasonal plants. While working on the lexical database, many species were identified using illustrations. One known disadvantage with this approach to lexicon and grammar discovery is that standard stimuli face the problem of cross-cultural applicability. In the context of northern Ghana, unfamiliar items or scenes depicted cause disagreement in the overall description, if not confusion. Another obstacle is that pictures and illustrations may lack elementary features, such as texture, odour, size, etc., which are crucial for the identification of a species. For instance, arriving at a consensus when identifying species of snake has proved difficult since only illustrations and pictures found in Cansdale (1961); Trape & Mané (2006) were used. However, in the research context, I believe the most satisfactory data collection strategies were used. Needless to say, every piece of Chakali data in this book comes from my own transcription of speech.

# **2 User's guide**

The book is divided into four parts: a general introduction, a Chakali-English dictionary, an English-Chakali reversal index, and a part containing grammar outlines. At a macrostructure level, the dictionary is followed by the reversal index. They both contain information extracted from a lexical database which I started collecting in 2007 using the software *Field Linguist's Toolbox*. The data was imported in *FieldWorks Language Explorer* (FLEx) in 2012. The entries appearing in the dictionary are made out of only a selection of entries and lexicographic fields/values available in the lexical database.

The passage from unwritten language to written language has the inevitable consequence of favouring a dialect. A literate native speaker of Chakali could easily identify from the entries that Ducie was the community where the majority of the data was collected. Corresponding expressions from other varieties of Chakali are present, when they exist, but more work is definitely needed. Addressing the issue of convention and standardisation will require a group of devoted contributors from distinct communities. There is no reason to treat the decisions taken in this book, especially regarding the orthography, as the standard. Despite the fact that the Ducie lect is not a "standard", it is important to keep in mind that a set of forms was produced by the lexicographical practice, the location of data collection, and the idiolects of the consultants.

# **2.1 Chakali-English dictionary**

The Chakali-English dictionary consists of over 3500 Chakali headword entries (a.k.a. lemmas). The transcription employs an alphabetic system motivated by the phonological description presented in Part IV. It uses a Latin alphabet supplemented with symbols from the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA), so the spelling-sound correspondence is direct. A full list of orthography symbols used in the dictionary and some guidance to their pronunciations are displayed in Table 2.1.

#### 2 User's guide

Table 2.1: Dictionary orthography and other symbols


For users accustomed to the literacy work of GILLBT<sup>1</sup> the correspondences in Table 2.2 identify the differences between the transcriptions: the one adopted in this book appears to the right side of the arrows.

Table 2.2: Correspondences of orthographies


<sup>1</sup> Reference is made to the literacy work on Vagla, Tampulma, and Pasaale of Marjorie Crouch, Patricia Herbert, Noah Ampen, Kofi Mensah, Mike Toupin, Vicky Toupin, Ian Gray, and Claire Gray.

#### 2.1 Chakali-English dictionary

The headwords are structured alphabetically although an arbitrary decision was taken to place the letter "dʒ" after "d", "gb" after "g", "kp" after "k", "ɲ", "ŋm", and "ŋ", successively after "n", and "tʃ" after "t". All headwords are equal and appear at the left side of the column. Four representative entries of the Chakali-English dictionary are presented in Table 2.3. 2

Table 2.3: Illustrations of dictionary entries


The convention is for an entry to start with a headword (*⃝*<sup>1</sup> ), which is immediately followed by its phonetic representation (*⃝*<sup>2</sup> ). This representation adds tones and other information on the pronunciation. Words which do not bear tones in the phonetic representation field are considered as either toneless or unresolved. The grammatical category (*⃝*<sup>3</sup> ) provides the word class of the headword. A headword may be accompanied by a literal translation (*lit*) *⃝*<sup>10</sup> to isolate the English meaning of each stem. In the literal translation field, a hyphen (-) separates stems and a full stop (.) joins spacing between English words. A plural form is provided for the majority of the nouns *⃝*<sup>11</sup> . Cross references (*⃝*<sup>8</sup> ) appear after the phonetic form and the part-of-speech. Variations to which different spellings or forms have to be assigned are placed after the phonetic form. It offers some lectal and generational variations in the following way: *var.* introduces a standard's variant and *var. of* sends the reader back to the headword treated as standard.

The meaning is represented in the following way: if the headword has only one sense, the part of speech immediately precedes the English definition (*⃝*<sup>5</sup> ). If the headword has more than one sense, a boldface number (*⃝*<sup>4</sup> ) enumerates the different senses. When Chakali is translated into English using many expressions, these are separated by a comma. If a word typically collocates with a semantic property or properties, this is explicitly stated using examples in the English

<sup>2</sup> The circled numbers are there for reference purposes only.

#### 2 User's guide

translation. For instance, the definition of the verb zɪna is given as 'to drive, ride, or sit on e.g. bicycle, motorcycle, horse'. An example of usage (*⃝*<sup>6</sup> ) precedes its English free translation (*⃝*<sup>7</sup> ). Only verbal and functional words are backed up by example sentences. If literal and/or not easily translatable, the free translation contains further clarifications.

# **2.1.1 Capitalization**

Despite the existence of case variants in the orthography, a decision was made in this dictionary to present the Chakali data in unicase, i.e. without capitalization rules. In the current state, there are many practical questions that need answers and an orthography development would need to consider issues beyond linguistic ones.

# **2.1.2 Prosody**

The example sentences are all marked with diacritics which attempt to capture the intonation as I perceived it during the transcription work. The convention for marking tone is: high ( ́ ), low ( ̀ ), mid ( ̄ ), and super-low ( ̏ ). An overview of tone and intonation is provided in Section 4.1. At this stage, the transcription and description of tone will require an analysis of considerable sophistication, something which deserves a separate study. There are several issues linked to doing the transcription by ear and lacking a more elaborated convention. For instance, due to the general F0 downtrends over the course of an utterance, the prosody on single words is easier to represent with this simple convention as opposed to longer expressions. Further, as they are not always perceived and/or transcribed, there is inconsistency in the tonal marking of consonants in syllable final positions.

# **2.1.3 Scientific name**

To add the referential stability needed for future comparison between traditional and scientific taxonomies, scientific names appear in italics (*⃝*<sup>9</sup> ). References to scientific names of plants and trees were taken from Hawthorne & Jongkind (2006), scientific names of snakes from Cansdale (1961) and Trape & Mané (2006), and scientific names of birds from Borrow & Demey (2002).

#### 2.2 English-Chakali reversal index

# **2.1.4 Grammatical category**

The grammatical categories (a.k.a word classes or parts of speech) used in the dictionary are elaborated in Part IV. They are distinguished using distributional and inflectional criteria.

# **2.1.5 Loans and their etymology**

Loan words are given a source, and when necessary, the source's pronunciation and gloss are provided. If a gloss does not appear, it is assumed that the meanings in Chakali and in the source language are practically the same. Some origins are well-established, others are intuitive. The word *ultimately* (abbreviated as *ultm.*) may be placed prior to the source language to mean that the loan word might not have been borrowed directly from the speakers of the language with which the word is associated. For example, it is most likely that all English words entered Chakali through contact with speakers of other Ghanaian languages. Section 3.2.6 offers an overview of languages from which Chakali may have borrowed. References to etymologies are mainly taken from Newman (2007), Dakubu, Atintono & Nsoh (2007), Baldi (2008), Dakubu (2009a), GILLBT (1980), Dumestre (2011), and Vydrine (2015). Besides language names as sources, expressions that are known to be found in other languages without necessarily being identifiable to one particular source are given various source values. Such items cross ethnic and/or geographical boundaries although they may not be known in other parts of the country. For instance, *Ghanaianism* (Ghsm) refers to an expression known to be found in most Ghanaian languages, and *Gur* refers to an expression that has been reconstructed for most Gur languages.

# **2.2 English-Chakali reversal index**

The English-Chakali reversal index is a list of alphabetically organized English headwords (*⃝*<sup>1</sup> ). As shown in Table 2.4, the headword may be associated with more than one Chakali gloss entry (*⃝*<sup>5</sup> ).

English headwords are reduced to minimal terms in order to have the index easily searchable. Several English expressions can be associated with one Chakali word: for instance, all Chakali tree names get *tree (type of)* but only some have known English expressions associated to them, e.g. *Shea tree*. Each Chakali word is preceded by its word class (*⃝*<sup>3</sup> ). Since users are expected to look for English keywords, not all dictionary entries are found in the reversal index.

#### 2 User's guide

Table 2.4: Illustration of an English-Chakali reversal index entry


# **2.3 Grammatical outlines**

Part IV is divided into two sections. The first section presents a brief outline of the phonology. It is principally based on phonetic representations available in the lexical database. The phoneme inventory, syllable structures, and minimal pairs are identified. In addition, phonotactics and suprasegmentals are briefly discussed. The software *Dekereke* was used to investigate phonotactic generalizations and search for specific features and environments.<sup>3</sup> Based on the transcriptions of various narrative types and controlled elicitation (Section 1.4), the second section, entitled 'Gramm outline' offers an overview of the essentials of word and sentence formations in the language, as well as topics of linguistic usages of cultural relevance. The glossing tags in the abbreviations list (page xiv) are for the most part equivalent to the conventions designed in Comrie, Haspelmath & Bickel (2008) and Haspelmath (2014). As a rule, a three-line morpheme-bymorpheme glossing for textual data is provided, but four lines may exceptionally appear. The first line is a representation of the object language, the second line consists of tags representing rough approximations of the morpheme in the object language (e.g. function, meaning, and part-of-speech), whereas the third line is a free translation capturing the general meaning conveyed in the object language's line. An additional line can appear when details are not evident in the gloss, or when another level of analysis is intended. Small capital letters in the free translation may be used to represent a focused constituent. The non-overt expression of a feature is enclosed within round brackets. An interlinearized example may be accompanied by a reference to a particular corpus text or a situation in which the utterance was collected. Most examples are taken from elicitation data. Corpus sentences are mainly selected in three texts: the Python story (PY), the Clever boy story (CB), and the Law breaker story (LB). The three stories consist of oral third person traditional folk tales. The first was performed by Kotia Nwabipe and the other two by Daniel Kanganu Karija. They were recorded and

<sup>3</sup> Thanks to its creator Rod Casali for his continual help.

2.4 Abbreviations

transcribed in Ducie in 2007. The latter two are contained in the first appendix in Brindle (2011: 471-500).The corpus texts are not provided in this edition.

# **2.4 Abbreviations**

Two alphabetically ordered lists of abbreviations are provided: a list to be used with Part II and Part III is given on page xi and a list to be used with Part IV is given on page xiv. The former list gives alongside the abbreviations and their meaning the section or sections of the grammar that cover the related topic.

# **Part II**

# **Chakali-English dictionary**

## akraa

## a

# **a**


fóòn tʃɪmʊ ́ ́ʊ́. I suspect Toma, so I will not lend him my phone again.


**akraa** [àkráà] *nprop*. Accra.

### alahaadi


**amĩõ** (*var. of* **dʒɛbalaŋ**)

**amɪ̃ɛ̃**[àmɪ̃ ̀ɛ̃ ̀] *conn*. particle confirming a proposition that was stated or is contextually inferred as premise e.g. if so, in that case • àmɪ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ̀ dɪ̀ nàmɪ̃ã̀ ́ wáá tùò à sɪ̀ɪ̀máá nɪ̄ɪ̀ wàá

dȉȉ? So, if there is no meat in the food you won't eat? dɪ̀ bákúríí dí kʊ̀ʊ̀ dɪ̀à hán nɪ̄zàāǹ, àmɪ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ̀ ǹ wàà tùò nī. If Bakuri eats food in this house today, then I am not here (If I were to be here, he would not get a chance).


**amʊnʊ** [ʔàmʊ́nʊ́] *n*. type of bush cat. (Tampulma). *pl.* **amʊnʊsa**.

**ana** (*var. of* **aŋ**)


anɪ

nɪ́ǹ̩ tʃɛ́ná kàá kààlɪ̀wàà rā. Me and my friend will go to Wa. ǹ̩ jáá bɪ̀nsá màtʃēō ànɪ́fī. I am thirty years old. **2** with, particle which introduces an instrumental or a modifier phrase • ŋ̩ ̀ ŋmɛ́ná dáá rá ànɪ́kàrántɪɛ̄̄nɪ.̄I cut a tree with a cutlass.


**aŋmɛna** (*var. of* **ŋmɛna**)


awa

awaa

**awaa** [áwáá] *pro*. non-human third person plural strong pronoun.

**awie** [áwìé] *cf:* **abie** *nprop*. Awie (person's name).

**awɪɛ** [àwɪɛ́ ́] *conn*. therefore • bɪ̀náháŋ̀ ŋ̩ ̀ kpáámá wíréó, àwɪɛ́ ́ ǹǹ kàátɪɛ́ ́ɪ́ɪ̀ɪ̀ kpààŋdùhó tɪn nā. ́This year

# **b**

1**ba** (*var. of* **bar**)

<sup>2</sup>**ba** [ba]**be**, (*foc. var.* **<sup>1</sup>baa**) *pro*. human third person plural pronoun • gbòló fíílíbá wā. Gbolo looked at them. báá wāā bāŋ̀. They should come here. wáá bàà jírà ásɪ̀àmā. As for this, they call it "red".

1**baa** (*foc. var. of* **ba**)


**baabaasʊ** [bāābāāsʊ̀] *n*. gonorrhoea. (Akan <bāābāāsʊ̀ʊ̀). *pl.* **baabaasu**.


my yam harvest is good, therefore I will give you back your yam

**awoo** [ʔàwóó] *interj*. reply to greetings, sign of appraisal of interlocutor's concerns • ɪ̀ hã́ã̀ŋ? àwōō. A: How is your wife? B: Thank you (she is good). (Gonja).

their colleagues, they are going to show bravery.

**baalsa** (*Pl. var.* **baal**)

seedlings.


4**baaŋ** (*cntrvar.* **bambaaŋ**)

<sup>5</sup>**baaŋ** [bááŋ̀] *cf:* **de 1** *adv*. here • àŋ́ káá wāā bááŋ̀? Who is coming here? **2** *n*. a particular place or point visible and close to speaker • m̀m̀ pɪɪ́tɔ́ ́ háŋ̀ bāāmà bírèjòō. These spots on my pants are black. tʃìtʃàvɛ̀tɪɪ́̀dʊ́á ɪ̀nã̀ã̀tɔ́wá báá-

## baaŋ

## bagɛnbʊa

mà nɪ.̄ There are spots of mud on your shoes. *pl.* **baama**.


**badʒɔgʊ** [bádʒɔ̀gʊ̄] *cf:* **bãã** *n*. Bosc's monitor, type of monitor lizard, rougher skin and usually shorter than bãã *syn:* **gbaga** (*Varanus exanthematicus*). *pl.* **badʒɔgʊsa**.


**bagɛnbʊa** [bàgǹ̩bʊ̀á] *n*. hollow be-

## baarɪ

## bagɛnsorii

hind the collarbone. *pl.* **bagɛnbʊsa**.


## bambii

## bambiigɛraga

carving a large item, like a mortar. **3** condition or quality of being brave. *pl.* **bambie**.


## place.

.

**baŋmɛna** (*var. of* **ŋmɛna**)


## basɪg

### basɔŋ

the child named ŋmããŋʊ *synt:* **ŋmããŋʊ; hasɪg** .

**basɔŋ** [bàsɔ́ŋ] *n*. shade.


pains. **2** laziness • bàwɪ̀ɪ̀hátɪɪ̄nā wáá ̄ káálɪ̀ kùó. A lazy person does not go to farm.

**baʔɔrɪɪ** [bàʔɔ̀rɪɪ́̀] *n*. swelling. *pl.* **baʔɔrɛɛ**.

**be** (*var. of* **ba**)


bɛlɛgɛ


## biligi

32


## bɪ̃

## bɪna

a gun but missed. **2** to fail to attend an event, to be overwhelmed, to estimate that one's situation cannot fulfil some demands • bɪ̀nà háŋ̀, dùsìè lúsɪnnɪ ́ ̀sā háŋ̀ bɪ̃n nà. ́ This year, this Ducie funeral, I cannot make it.


it be well cooked. ʊ̀ bɪwáʊ ́ ́. It is cooked. ʊ̀ʊ̀ márá bɪ̀jʊ̀ʊ́. It is well cooked. à kpáámá bɪɪ́ ́ gāāsʊ́ʊ̄The yams are overcooked. **2** to be ripe, applicable to shea nuts and mangos • à súómó bɪwáʊ ́ ́. The shea nuts are ripe. **3** to turn into, in processing food • zàáŋ̀ à nɪ̀kànɪkà sàʊ ́ ́ wáá bɪ̀ɪ̀, jà kàá tʃēsūù. Today the flour from the grinding mill is not properly done, we will have to sieve it.


## bɪnbilinsi

enced with Ducie's water system, they took him back to work.

**bɪnbilinsi**[bɪ̀mbìlìnsì]*lit.* excrementtumble (*var.* **bɪnbiliŋkpogo**) *n*. Dung beetle (*Scarabidae fam.*). *pl.* **bɪnbilinsise**.

**bɪnbiliŋkpogo** (*var. of* **bɪnbilinsi**)


**bɪtɪ** [bɪ̀tɪ̀] *cf:* **jolo** *v*. to empty by pouring, to pour all, to spill out, to pour in a stream, to scatter • bɪ̀tɪ̀ à fàlá nɪɪ́ ́tà. Pour away the water that is in the calabash. bɪ̀tɪ̀ɪ̀ɪ̀kàpʊ́- sɪ̀ɛ̀bìlè. Scatter you kola nuts on the ground.

**bɪwie** [bɪwíé] ́ *n*. small stone. *pl.* **bɪwise**.

**bɪzeŋ** [bɪzéŋ ́ ̀] *n*. big stone. *pl.* **bɪzene**.

**bluu** [bə̆ ̀lùù] (*var.* **abluu**) *n*. blue. (ultm. English <blue). *pl.* **bluuso**.

**bokti** (*var. of* **bakti**)


## bonso

bonti


**bɔkbɪl** (*var. of* **bɔg**)


**bɔlaɲɪŋ** [bɔ̀làɲɪŋ]́ *n*. ivory. *pl.* **bɔlaɲɪŋa**.


## bɔsa

### bɔsʊ

## **bɔsasa**.

**bɔsʊ** (*var. of* **bɔsa**)

**bɔtɪɪ** [bɔ́tɪɪ́]́ *n*. scooped ball of staple food, Gh. Eng. morsel. *pl.* **bɔtɪɛ**.

**bra** (*var. of* **bɪra**)


**bugunso** [bùgùnsô] *n*. stupidity. **bul** (*var. of* **bulo**)


**buol** [bùól] *n*. song. *pl.* **buolo**.


## buro

### busunu

kɔ̀sá nɪ́ à búró. He got lost in the bush and collapsed.

**busunu** [bùsúnù] *n*. type of flute made out of the horn. *pl.* **busunuso**.

**buter** [bùtérː] *n*. turtle. *pl.* **butete**.


**bʊa** (*var. of* **bʊɔ**)

**bʊabie** [bʊ̀àbìé] *n*. smaller hole in a grave designed to slide the corpse in.


**bʊnʊ̃ã** [bʊ̀nʊ̃ ̀ã́] *n*. gentility. bʊnʊ̃ã

## bʊnʊ̃hʊ̃

## daabãŋtolugu

**bʊnʊ̃hʊ̃**[bʊ̀nʊ̃ ̀hʊ̃ ́] *n*. hippopotamus. *pl.* **bʊnʊ̃hʊ̃na**.


**bʊɔmanɪɪ** [bʊ́ɔ̀mánɪɪ́]́ *n*. leopard *synt:* **ɲuwietɪɪna; nebietɪɪna** (*Panthera pardus*). *pl.* **bʊɔmanɪɛ**.


# **d**

**daa** [dáá] *n*. **1** tree. **2** piece of wood. **3** central core of an object • ɲàmmɪ-́ dáá. maize cob *pl.* **daasa**.

an animal sacrifice is made on the tomb.


**daabãŋtolugu** [dáábã̀ŋtólúgú] *nprop*. name of a major Gurumbele shrine.

### daabii

daapɛtɪɪ


tion • bà ŋmá dɪ́ń̩ wáá dùsèē ǹ̩ kpá dààmɪ̀. They told me to come to Ducie, but I ignored it.


soup or porridge *syn:* **fazeŋ** . *pl.* **daazʊʊnasa**.


## daraga

usually found in or around the house. *pl.* **dagboŋoso**.


**dansatʃiwie** [dánsátʃìwìé] *n*. smock without sleeves. (Hausa). *pl.* **dansatʃiwise**.


## dalɪa

## datʃɪbaal

ràgàtɪɪ́ná, ɪ ́ ̀ kàá pàrà à kùó pētūū záàŋ. If you were not reluctant, you would finish weeding the farm today. (Hausa).


**degeni** (*var. of* **degini**)

**degini** [dègìnì] *v*. (*var.* **deŋili**, **deŋini**, **degeni**)**1**to put straight, to be straight, to unbend, to set in a direction • tɪ̀ɛ̀ à pítʃɔ́ŋ̀ dègìnì. Let the yam mound row be straight. tɪ̀ɛ̀ à zɪ̃ã́ ́ déŋílì.Let the wall be straight.

# deŋini

**2** tolerant • à tɔ́ʊ́tɪɪ̄nā wā dègìnì- ̄ jè. The landlord is not tolerant. **3** to be honest, faithful • à bìè dégíníjóó ʊ̀ kà kpá m̩ ̀m̩ ̀ mòlèbíí à wà tɪɛ́ ́ŋ. The child is honest since he brought my money back.

**deginii** [dégíníí] *n*. straightness.


**deŋili** (*var. of* **degini**) **deŋini** (*var. of* **degini**) deŋsi


today. **2** to be enskinned, to hold a chieftancy • à báhɪ̃ɛ́ ̃ ̀ kàá dí à kòró. The old man will be enskinned. **3** to be sharp • à kísìé káá dì kɪ̀nkán nā.The knife is sharp. *ant:* **gbul**


**dindɪa** [díndɪà]́ *n*. kitchen.

**dintɪna** [dìntɪnà] ́ *cf:* **diŋtʃããŋ** *n*. lantern, lamp. [*Mo*].

**diŋ** [díŋ] *n*. **1** fire • tɪ̀ɛ̀ díŋ dí. Feed the fire. à díŋ márá à díū.The fire

## diŋ

## diŋbamɔsɪɪ

burns well. **2** electricity or light of cycle or lorry • dùsèè ní díŋ wáá tùó. In Ducie there is no electricity. jà búúrè dín né já tʃáágɪ́jà báátrɪ̀. We need electricity to charge our batteries. *pl.* **dinne**.


**diŋhala** [dìŋhálá] *n*. charcoal fire.


### dɪɛsɪ

### dɪɛsɪ


**dɪgɪɪ** (*cntrvar.* **dɪgɪmaŋa**)


**dɪgɪna** [dɪ̀gɪ̀nà] *n*. ear. *pl.* **dɪgɪnsa**.


**dɪgɪnbʊa** (*var. of* **maafadɪgɪnbʊa**)


**dɪsa** [dɪ̀sá] *n*. soup. *pl.* **dɪsasa**.

**dɪsugulii** [dɪ̀sùgùlíì] *n*. multi-storey building. *pl.* **dɪsugulee**.

**dɪtʃʊɔlɪɪ** [dɪ̀tʃʊ̀ɔ̀lɪɪ́̀] *n*. sleeping room. *pl.* **dɪtʃʊɔlɛɛ**.

**dobii** [dóbíí] *n*. hail. *pl.* **dobie**.

## dobii

## dokagal


## dugo

duguŋ


dʊ

#### dʊ tɔʊ

appear • à dʊ́ kìì bà kà búúríí dùsìè né. It seems that they are looking for you in Ducie. **3** to be • ɲìnĩẽ̀ ́ ɪ̀ɪ̀ ɲéná kā dʊ́.How is your father?


**dʊgʊ** [dʊ̀gʊ́] *n*. type of dance.


**dʊgʊsa** [dʊ́gʊ́sá] [dʊ́gʊ́sá] *n*. condition similar to diarrhoea, but with little stool and more mucus.

dʊŋmɛŋ


**dʊmɪɪ** [dʊ́mɪɪ́]́ *n*. bite.


### dʊŋmɛŋbummo


**dʊ̃ŋgal** (*var. of* **dʊ̃ʊ̃gal**)


# **dʒ**

**dʒaa** [dʒàá] *adv*. unknowingly, unexpectedly, something not complying with one's assumption • dʒàá, kén nè, dʊ́nɪ̃ã́ ́dʊ̄. So this is how the world is. káásɪ̀m, dʒàá ɪ̀ kpá háán nā. Kasim, it was unknown to me that you got married. (Waali).

**dʒaabɪrɪdʒa** [dʒáábɪ̆rɪ́ dʒà] ́ *n*. mixture

fering is a sheep.


of kinds, people or items • nɪ̀búdʒáábɪ̀rɪ̀dʒàsá ká sāŋā dé nì. People from many different ethnic groups are sitting there. *pl.* **dʒaabɪrɪdʒasa**.

**dʒaana** [dʒáánà] *n*. door mat. (Waali <dʒaana'door mat').

**dʒaaŋãã** [dʒááŋã́ã́]*cf:* **filii** *n*. bearing tray to carry load made with the fi-

# dʒaaŋãã

## dʒabelaŋ

bre of the climber tʃinie. *pl.* **dʒaaŋããsa**.

**dʒabelaŋ** [dʒàbèlàŋ] *n*. henna (*Lawsonia inermis*).

**dʒagala** [dʒàɣàlà] *n*. a third person referred to in a conversation, but not named. (Waali <dʒɛgala).

**dʒanɪɪ** (*var. of* **gɛnɪɪ**)

**dʒanse** [dʒánsè] *n*. type of dance. (ultm. English <jazz).

**dʒebuni** [dʒèbùnì] *nprop*. Jebuni, person's name.

**dʒɛbalaŋ** [dʒɛ̀bálàŋ] *cf:* **diebie** (*var.* **amĩõ**) *n*. cat. [*Gu*]. (Gonja).

**dʒɛbɛrɛ** [dʒɛ̀bɛ̀rɛ̀] *n*. porridge made out of cassava flour and boiled water.

**dʒɛbugokpʊrgɪɪ** [dʒɛ́búgòkpʊ́rəgɪɪ́]́ *n*. gunpowder container. *pl.* **dʒɛbugokpʊrgɪɛ**.

**dʒɛdʒɛrɪ** (*var. of* **gɛgɛra**) *n*..

**dʒɛfɛ** [dʒɛ̀fɛ́] *n*. land-clearing period in the rainy season when the grasses are well grown and thick, crucial step for growing yam. *pl.* **dʒɛ̀fɛ̀sá**.

**dʒɛfɛbummo** [dʒɛ̀fɛ̀búmmò] *n*. farm land with a considerable amount of moisture in the soil. Usually within August and September.

**dʒɛfɛpʊmma** [dʒɛ̀fɛ̀pʊ̀mmá] *n*. dry farm land, or land with little moisture in the soil, usually in October and November.

**dʒɛnɪɪ** (*var. of* **gɛnɪɪ**)

**dʒɛrɛga** [dʒɛ̀rɛ̆ ̀gá] *cf:* **gɛrɛga** *n*. sickness, disease. *pl.* **dʒɛrɛgasa**.

**dʒɛrgɪɪ** [dʒɛ́rgɪɪ́]́ *n*. sick and weak person. *pl.* **dʒɛrgɪɛ**.

**dʒɛtɪ** [dʒɛ̀tɪ̀] *n*. lion *synt:* **ɲuzeŋtɪɪna** . *pl.* **dʒɛtɪsa**.

**dʒigela** [dʒìgèlà]*cf:* **bɔla** *n*. elephant. [*Mo*].

**dʒinedʒine** [dʒìnèdʒìnè] *ideo*. (*var.* **ginegine**) **1** sky appearance that suggests rain • à tììmúŋ dʊ́dʒìnèdʒìnè. The east is not clear. **2** type of visual percept, mixture of colours • à dámpʊ̀nɪɪ̄̄dʊ́ dʒìnèdʒìnè, à wà wéré zàáŋ̄. The dam water is greyish and greenish, it is no good today.

**dʒɪɛndɔŋ** [dʒɪɛ́ ̀ndɔ̀ŋ] *n*. a twin, one of a pair of twins. *pl.* **dʒɪɛndɔŋa**.

**dʒɪɛnsa** [dʒɪɛ́ ̀nsá] *n*. twins. *pl.* **dʒɪɛnsa**.

**dʒɪɛra** [dʒɪɛ́ ́rá] *n*. sieve or sifter, made out of woven screen, mainly for flour. (Waali <dʒɪɛra).

**dʒɪfa** [dʒɪfà] ́ *n*. pocket. (ultm. Arabic, via Hausa <aljifu'sheath').

**dʒɪga** [dʒɪgà] ́ *v*. to be mature, to master, to be brave, to be good at something • pél lé tɪŋ́ ̀ kà dʒɪgá, wáá káá ́ ũ̀ũ̀ lálɪɪ́.́ The burial specialist who masters his work, he is the one who buries the corpse.

**dʒɪgɪsɪ** [dʒɪ̀gɪ̀sɪ̀] *v*. to act or say proudly • dráábà háŋ̀ kàà dʒɪgɪ ́ sɪ́ ̀nɪ́ lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀mɪlɪ́ mɪ ́ ̃ɪ́̃ ́nɪ.́ This driver is proud of driving a car. à bɪ̀pɔ̀lɪɪ́ ́dʒɪgɪ ́ sɪ́ jáʊ ́ ́

## dʒɪgɪsɪ

## dʒɪmbɛntʊ

dɪ́ʊ̀ kàá kɪ̀n páráʊ́, ʊ̀ pàrà kùsì ká tʃɔ̄. The boy said proudly that he could farm but failed and ran away.

**dʒɪmbɛntʊ** [dʒɪmbɛ ́ ̀ntʊ́] *nprop*. first month. (Waali <dʒɪmbɛ ́ ̀ntɪ).́

**dʒogo** [dʒógó] *n*. character or attitude • zàáŋ hámònā dʒógó wá wīrē. The character of today's children is not good. *pl.* **dʒogoso**.

**dʒoŋkoho** [dʒòŋkóhò] *n*. false accusation. *pl.* **dʒoŋkohoso**.

**dʒɔra** [dʒɔ̀rà] *n*. type of plant with soft stem, used by children in a game with the same name • já ká

# **e**

**eeka** [ʔéékà] *n*. acre. (ultm. English).

**eesi** [ʔéésì] *n*. acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), a dis-

# **ɛ**

**ɛ̃ɛ̃** [ʔɛ̃ ̀ɛ̃ ̂] (*var.* **õõ**) *interj*. yes, expresses affirmation.

.

**ɛgla** [ʔɛ̀ɣlá] *n*. jaw. *pl.* **ɛglasa**

**ɛmbɛlɪ** [ʔɛ́mbɛ́lɪ]́ *n*. *cf:* **sɪɛbɪɪ 1**shoulder. **2** wing. *pl.* **ɛmbɛlɛ**.

**ɛmbɛltʃugul** [ʔɛ́mbɛ́ltʃùgùl] *n*. shoul-

# **f**

**faa** [fàà] *n*. ancient • kéŋ fɪ̀wàà jáá fàà nɪ.́This was not done in those

jāgāsɪ̄dʒɔ̀ràsá. Let us go play the game (Waali <dʒɔra).

**dʒudʒumo** (*var. of* **dʒumodʒumo**)

**dʒumburo** [dʒùmbúrò] *n*. soup ingredient, also used as medicine for new mothers. (Waali <dʒùmbúrì). *pl.* **dʒumburuso**.


ease of the human immune system caused by infection with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV). (ultm. English).

#### der joint. *pl.* **ɛmbɛltʃugulo**.

**ɛnsɪ** [ʔɛ̀nsɪ̀] *v*. to squeeze, to twist, to press • ɛ̀nsɪ̀ lùmbúrò nɪɪ́ ́ tɪ̀ɛ̀ ɪ̀ɪ̀ bìé. Squeeze the orange juice for your child. ɛ̀nsɪ̀ à kɪ̀ntʃàgàsɪɛ́ ̀ à bɛ̀rà. Twist the washed clothes and dry them.

days. nɪn nà fàà tʊ ́ ́mà fɪ́jà jáà. This is what the ancestors used to do.

## fapʊmma

[*Tp*].

fãã


2**faara** (*var. of* **faal**)

<sup>1</sup>**faarɪ** [fààrɪ̀] *v*. **1** to plaster or smear • ɪ̀ɪ̀ sèlèméntè kánã́ṍ ɪ̀ kàá fāārɪ̀ ɪ̀ɪ̀

dȉȁ? Is your cement enough to plaster your house? **2** to rub along, to scrape against • à lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀sá àlɪ̀ɛ̀ wá fààrɪ̀ dɔ́ŋá báàn nɪ.̄ The two cars scraped against each other right here.


**faasɪɪ** [fáásɪɪ́]́ *n*. carelessness.

**faatʊma** (*var. of* **faal**)


**falabii** (*var. of* **fobii**)

**falaneŋ** [fàlánéŋ̀] *lit.* calabash-arm *n*. gourd stem. *pl.* **falanese**.

**falɪŋ** [falɪŋ] *n*. low land.


### fataga

**fataga** [fàtàgá] *n*. big gourd used as bucket, the biggest natural container *syn:* **gbɛntaga** .

**fatʃine** (*var. of* **fakiine**)

**fawie** [fòwìé] (*var.* **fowie**) *n*. type of gourd, used to drink locally brewed alcoholic drink.

**fawietɪɪna** (*var. of* **vʊgnɪhɪ̃ɛ̃**)


1**felfel** (*var. of* **felfel**)


**fɛrɪgɪ** [fɛ́rɪgɪ ́ ]́ *cf:* **fɛtɪ 1** *pl.v*. to loosen up tight muscles or joints by gently pressing on them • à bìè fɛ́rɪgɪ ́ ̀ ʊ̀ʊ̀ ɲéná bārā rā. The child pressed his father's body. **2** *pl.v*. to dial or type on phone or computer keys • làà ǹǹ fóòn à fɛ́rɪgɪ ́ ́lɪsɪ́ ́ǹǹ námbà.Take my

phone and find my number. **3** *v*. in the process of making gaarii, to put weight and press hard with some stones on cassava mash placed in a porous bag • pàà bɪɛ́ ́fɛ́rɪgɪ ́ ́à kpòŋkpóŋ. Take some stones and put them on the cassava.

**fɛrɪɪ** [fɛ́rɪɪ́]́ *n*. aerial yam (*Dioscorea bulbifera*). *pl.* **fɛrɛɛ**.

**fɛtɪ** [fɛ́tɪ]́ *v*. *cf:* **fɛrɪgɪ 1** to press lightly • fɛ́tɪ́ǹǹ nèbíwìé tɪɛ̄̀ŋ. Press my little finger for me. fɛ́tɪ́ à tɔ́ŋ márá téébùl ɲūū nì, pèú tɪ́wá kpāʊ̄ kààlɪ̀ Hold the paper on the table, so the wind will not take it away. **2** to weight something down • zòrò bɪɪ́ ́fɛ́tɪ́ɪ̀ɪ̀ dɪ̀á tʃɛ́nsɪ̀nɪ.̄ Pick a stone and put it on top of your metal roof.

**fi** [fí] *num*. ten. *pl.* **fise**.

**fidalɪa** [fídàlɪ̀à] *num*. twelve.

**fidaloro** [fídálòrò] *num*. sixteen.

**fidalʊpɛ** [fídálʊ̀pɛ̀] *num*. seventeen.

**fidanaasɛ** [fídànáásɛ̀] *num*. fourteen.

**fidaɲɔ̃**[fídáɲɔ̃ ̀] *num*. fifteen.

**fidatoro** [fídátòrò] *num*. thirteen.

**fididɪgɪɪ** [fídìdɪgɪ ́ ɪ́]́ *num*. eleven.

**fididɪgɪɪtuo** [fídìdɪgɪ ́ ɪ́tùù] ́ *num*. nineteen.

**fidiŋmɛŋtɛl** [fídìŋmɛ́ŋtɛ́l] *num*. eighteen.

**fiel** [fíél] *n*. hollow grass. *pl.* **fiele**.

**fiile** [fíílé] *n*. initiation for new hunters.

**fiise** [fíísé] *v*. **1** to scrape off • fíísé dɪ̀sá tà ɪ̀ɪ̀ népɪɛ́ ́l nɪ̀.Scrape off the

## fiise

soup on your palm. **2** to wipe • ǹ̩ fíísè m̩ ̀m̩ ̀ mún nò. I wiped my buttocks.


it and bring it back. **2** to whip, to strike with cane, rope or stick • ʊ̀ kàá fɪ̀ɛ̀bɪ̀ à bìé rē. He will whip the child. (W. Oti-Volta <fɪɛbɪ).

**fɪɛrɪ** [fɪ̀ɛ̀rɪ̀] *cf:* **gbɪasɪ** *v*. to remove a little part of a whole, to cut and remove a small piece of meat and eat it for tasting • ǹ̩ zɪmá dɪ ́ ́ɪ̀fɪɛ́ ́rɪ́ǹǹ nàŋgúrúŋ háǹ nā. I know that you cut and removed a part from my piece of meat. à báál fɪɛ́ ́rɪ́m̩ ̀m̩ ̀ mòlèbíí tɪŋ bòró ró. ́ The man removed part of my money.

**fɪɪ** (*var. of* **fɪ**)


**fɪɪl** (*var. of* **tʊ̃ʊ̃fɪɪl**) *n*..


## fɪlɪŋfɪntɪɪ


**fo** (*var. of* **foo**)


a motorbike, you must do it in Wa. **3** *v*. to be already done • ǹ̩ fɪ̀ŋmá dɪ́ń̩ tɪɛ́ ́ʊ́ kàdáásɪ̀ká ù fójòō làà dɪgɪ ́ ɪ́ ́ ǹ̩ tʃɛ̀ná pé nī. I would have given him a paper but he already got one from my friend. ɪ̀ kà fójē dʊ̀à dé, à wɪɛ́ ́kàá kʊ̀ɔ̀rʊ̄ʊ̄. If you are there already, the problems will be solved.

**foole** (*var. of* **fuoli**)


foti

dropped from my hand and fell to the ground.


**fowie** (*var. of* **fawie**)


**fɔgbaaŋ** [fɔ̀ɣə̀bááŋ] *lit.* out-middle

*n*. lane between houses, alley. (Vagla <fɔg). *pl.* **fɔgbaama**.

**fɔlɪɪ** [fɔ́lɪɪ́]́ *n*. new.


### fɔrɪɪ

cannot live a narrow tunnel. *ant:* **pɛnɪɪ**


**fuful** [fùfúl] *n*. burnt grass ash.


**fuŋfuluŋ** [fùŋ́fùlùŋ] *n*. cheating • kàlá káá dī fùŋ́fùlùŋ kɪná rá. ́ Kala is a cheat. ǹ̩ wà jáá fùŋ́fùlùŋ nɪ̀búlùŋ.I am not a cheat.


**fuotuo** (*var. of* **footuo**)


rá. Wusa burnt charcoal. ɪ̀sɪ̀ɪ̀máá kàá fũ̀ũ̀.Your food will burn.


and cracks • à másɪ̀n zɪnjɛ ́ ̃ ̀ɛ̃ ̄fʊ̀tɪ̀ à zɪ̃ɛ́ ̃ ́rá. The mason went up and filled the holes between the roof and the wall. à dúóŋ wá pētī, jà kàá fʊ̀tɪ̀ à sàl lā. When the rain stops we will repair the roof. kà lɔ̀gà nàbɪná wà ́ tɪɛ́ ́ŋ ń̩ fʊ́tɪ̀ ǹ̩ tàwà nʊ̃ ̀ã́. Go scoop some cow dung for me to seal my tobacco container.

**fʊ̃ʊ̃**[fʊ̃ ̀ʊ̃ ́] *n*. lower back. *pl.* **fʊ̃ʊ̃na**. **fʊ̃ʊ̃fʊ̃ʊ̃**[fʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́fʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́] *n*. light cloth, such as material like linen, mosquito net

# **g**


**gaali** [gààlì] *v*. **1** to be over or placed over something, to cover partially, to bend over partially • à tɔ́n nɪ,́ ɪ̀ɪ̀ gààlɪ̀ kéŋ̀, màrà à ɲínè. The skin, you are over and above it like that, just look carefully. tɪ́gáálí à bʊ̀à nɪ̄ kēŋ̀. Do not bend over the hole like that. **2** to abound • ǹ̩ǹ̩ tʊ́má gáálɪʊ́ ́.My work is too much.

**gaanɪ** [gàànɪ̀] *v*. to swagger • tɪ́gáánɪ́ à dʊ̀ ǹ̩ nɪ́ɪ̀ɪ̀fɔ̀ŋá wɪɛ́ ́. Do not swagger in front of me because of your power.

or head gear. *pl.* **fʊ̃ʊ̃fʊ̃ʊ̃sa**.


tempt to bite yet barely scratching or pinching the target • à váá wā dʊ́mɪɪ́, ʊ̄ ̀ gágátɪɪ́ ́rā. The dog did not bite you, he barely pinched you.


**galɪŋgaa** [gàlɪ̀ŋgáà] *n*. type of bird,

Pied Crow (*Corvus albus*). *pl.* **galɪŋgaasa**.


## gagtɪ

## gantalgbou

**gantalgbou** (*var. of* **kɔŋ**)

**gaŋ** [gáŋ] *n*. rabies.

**gaŋabulo** [gàŋàbúló] *n*. arthritis.

**gaŋgaarʊʊ** [gáŋgáárʊ̄ʊ̄] *n*. lost opportunity, loosing a skill or capacity by doing something different • ŋ̩ ̀ ɲɪná bìé vɪ ́ ɛ́ ́sùkú káálɪɪ́, ʊ́ ̀ wàá kɪ̀n bɪ̀ pàrà, ʊ̀ zɪ́ tʃèlè gáŋgáárʊ̄ʊ̄. My brother refuses to continue schooling and cannot work at the farm any more, he is now at loss. *pl.* **gaŋgaarʊʊsa**.

**gaŋgalarɪ** [gàŋgàlárɪ̀] *cf:* **pɪŋgaasɪ** *n*. pickaxe. (Waali <gàŋgàlárɪ̀ 'pickaxe').

**gaŋgaŋ** [gàŋgàŋ] *n*. type of dance.

**gaŋgaŋa** [gàŋgàŋá] *n*. long and double-headed cylindrical drum beaten with curved sticks. *pl.* **gaŋgaŋasa**.

**gaŋɪ** [gàŋɪ̀] *v*. to appear uneven and unexpected against a background • sɔ̀tá gáŋɪ́nã̀ã̀pɪɛ́ ́l nɪ, tʃútí tā. ̄ Part of the thorn appears on the sole of my foot, pull it out. páànʊ̀ʊ̀ gáŋɪ́ɪ̀ɪ̀dʒɪ-́ fà nɪ, lɔ ̄ ̀gà tɪɛ́ ́ŋ̄. Bread appears out of your pocket, cut some for me.

**gapʊmma** [gàpʊ̀mmá] *n*. woven cotton cloth. *pl.* **gapʊlʊnsa**.

1**gar** [gàŕ] *n*. single piece of cloth covering the body. *pl.* **gata**.

2**gar** [gáŕ] *n*. timber stable. *pl.* **gara**.

<sup>1</sup>**gara** [gàrà] *v*. **1** to pierce through • tóbíí gárá ʊ̀ʊ̀ ɛ́mbɛ́lɪɪ́ ́nɪ.́ An arrow pierced through his elbow. **2** to lie across • hàglɪɪ́kɪ ́ ŋ́ ̄tʃʊ́á gàrà à tíwíí ní. A snake lies across the road. **3** to lead and exceed others in achievements, to do more than others • m̀m̀ párá gàrà à bìnɪ̀báál lā. I achieved more farm work than the boy.

2**gara** [gàrà] *v*. to omit, to miss out, to skip • ʊ̀ jāà gàrà kùò káálɪ́rá. He usually skips going to the farm.

**garaga** (*var. of* **gɛrɛga**)

**garamɔ̃fɔ̃ɔ̃** [gàràmɔ̃ ̀fɔ̃ ́ɔ̃ ̀] *n*. gramophone. [*oldfash*]. (ultm. English).

**garisi** [gárĭsí] ́ *v*. to burp • à hááŋ pɪ-̄ŋāʊ̄à zɪ́gárísí. The woman was satisfied and then burped.

**garɪŋzaŋɛɛ** [gárɪŋzàŋɛ ́ ́ɛ̀] *n*. bearing device made out of a fork of a tree branch. *pl.* **garɪŋzaŋsa**.

**garɪsɪ** [gárɪ̆sɪ́ ]́ *v*. to trip and stumble • kàlá gárɪsɪ́ ́dáá rá à tʃèlè. Kala tripped over a stick and fell.

**garnʊ̃ã** [gàrnʊ̃ ́ã̀] *n*. edge of cloth, used by women to wrap coins, kola nuts, and other items.

**garsʊ̃ɔ̃r** [gàsʊ̃ ́ɔ̃ ́r] *lit.* cloth-weaver *cf:* **sʊ̃ãsʊɔr** *n*. weaver. *pl.* **garsʊ̃ɔ̃ra**.

**garzagatɪɪ** [gàrzáɣátɪɪ́]́ *n*. rag. *pl.* **garzagatɪa**.

**gatɪ** [gátɪ]́ *v*. to be high, to be raised • lésí ɪ̀ɪ̀ dɛ́lɛ́mbɪɪ́ ́tɪ̀ŋ ʊ́ gátɪ.́ Chock your stove stone so it is properly high. à báál sãã̄ ̄ʊ̀ʊ̀ dɪ̀á tʃɪŋsɪ ́ ́bàgátɪɪ́ ́ nɪ́rā. The man built his house on top of a higher ground.

**gatɪgatɪ** [gàtɪ̀gàtɪ̀] *ideo*. scattered • dũ̀ũ̀ à ɲàmmɪ̃ɪ́̃ ́ gàtɪ̀gàtɪ̀. Sow the corn one by one here and there.

## gatɪgatɪ

## gatɔɔlɪɪ


**gɛgɛtɪ** (*var. of* **gɛgɛta**)


**gɛnna** [gɛ̀nná] *n*. foolishness.

**gɛŋɛlɪ** (*var. of* **gɛŋɛnɛ**)


#### gɪla tɪɛ

gɪla zɪma


**gogosɪama** [gógósɪ̀àmá] *cf:* **haglɪbisɪansa** *n*. type of ant. [*Mo*].

**golemĩ** [gòlèmĩ̀] *v*. to be crooked, to twist or be twisted, to move with a contorted motion, as snake, worm or like a twisted rope • à ɲʊ́lʊ́ŋ dáŋkpàlá gólémĩjṍṍ. ́ The blind man's walking stick is twisted.

**golii** [gólíí] *n*. type of grass (*Sporobolus pyramidalis*). *pl.* **golee**.

**goŋgobiri** (*var. of* **goŋgobiridaa**)


**gɔmɔnantɪ** [gɔ́mɔ̆ ́nántɪ̀] *n*. government. (ultm. English).

**gɔŋ** [gɔ́ŋ] *n*. **1** river. **2** type of plant. *pl.* **gɔŋa**.

**gɔŋbʊɔ** [gɔ̀mbʊ̀ɔ́] *n*. river path,

gɔŋbʊɔ where the water flows. *pl.* **gɔŋbʊɔsa**.

**gɔŋnãã** [gɔ̀nnã́ã́] *lit.* river-leg *n*. branch of a river.

**gɔŋnʊ̃ã** [gɔ̀nnʊ̃ ̀ã́] *n*. river bank.


**guŋmɛŋ** [gùŋmɛ́ŋ̀] *n*. cotton thread.


## gbaŋasa

danced bawaaat the funeral.


# **gb**


**gʊɔ** (*var. of* **gʊa**)

**gʊɔrɛɛ** [gʊ̀ɔ̀rɛ́ɛ̀] *n*. spotted grassmouse (*Lemniscomys striatus*). *pl.* **gʊɔrɛsa**.

**gʊɔsɪ** [gʊ̀ɔ̀sɪ̀] *v*. to rehearse and practice for an activity having a climax, to warm up, to build up • dʊ̀gʊ́ gʊ́ɔ́rá já gʊ̀ɔ̀sʊ̀ʊ̄àká gʊ̀à. The dugu dancers rehearse and practice before the dance. à bɔ́ɔ̀lmáŋáná káá gʊ̄ɔ̄sʊ̀ʊ̀ ká tʃálɪsɪ́ ̀ bà kàá pīīlī. The football players are warming up before they start.

kɪná mūŋ ́ ̀lɪ̀ɪ̀. The thief entered my house, took some items and left.

**gbaga** [gbàgà] *n*. type of monitor lizard • ɪ̀ kɔ́ŋá à kìì tɔ̀tʃã́ã́ŋgbàgà. You are as thin as a dry season monitor lizard. *syn:* **badʒɔgʊ** (*Varanus*). [*Mo*]. (Waali <gbaga). *pl.* **gbagasɛ**.

**gbagala** [gbàgàlá] *n*. type of cloth for elders. [*oldfash*].


### gʊa

## gbaŋasɪ

ing from cars or planes at a distance.


**gbel** (*var. of* **gbɛl**)


**gbɛgbɛ** (*var. of* **gbagba**)

**gbɛl** [gbɛ́l] (*var.* **gbel**) *n*. type of tree (*Ficus elasticoides*). *pl.* **gbɛla**.

**gbɛlmuŋ** (*var. of* **zamparagɪɪ**)


## gbɛtɪ

### gburugulugee

bìnɪ̀hááŋ tɪ̀n gbɛ́tɪjɔ́ ́ʊ́. My daughter is unable to learn correctly.

**gbɛtɪɛ** [gbɛ̀tɪɛ́ ̀] *n*. clumsy person. *pl.* **gbɛtɪsa**.

**gbiegie** (*var. of* **gbiekie**) *n*..

gbɛtɪɛ

**gbiekie** [gbìèkíè] (*var.* **gbiegie**) *n*. Black Kite (*Milvus migrans*). *pl.* **gbiekise**.

**gbieli** [gbíélí] *v*. to shout out the items one is selling • àŋ́ káá gbīēlī nʊ̃ ̀ʊ̃ ̀?Who is shouting out her oil?

**gbinti** [gbíntí] *v*. to kneel • nɪ̀hááná bànɪ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ̀ já gbīntì ʊ̀ʊ̀ báàl sʊ̄ʊ̄ nɪ̄ ká kpá nɪ̀ɪ̀nʊ̃ ̀ã̀lɪɪ́ ́tɪɛ̄ʊ̄̀. Some women kneel in front of their husbands before giving them water.

**gbiŋ** [gbíŋ] *cf:* **neŋgbiŋ** *n*. bracelet. *pl.* **gbinne**.

**gbiŋgbiŋ** [gbíŋgbíŋ] *ideo*. crowded • à dɪ̀à sú gbíŋgbíŋ ànɪ́ nārā. The house is full of people.

**gbɪ̃ã** [gbɪ̃ ̀ã́] *n*. monkey *synt:* **neŋgaltɪɪna** . *pl.* **gbɪ̃ãna**.

**gbɪ̃ãkanɪ̃ɛ̃**(*var. of* **kanɪ̃ɛ̃**)

**gbɪ̃ãkʊl** [gbɪ̃ ̀ã̀kʊ́l ̀] *lit.* monkey-t.z. *n*. Wild custard apple, type of tree *syn:* **duoŋkiir** (*Anonna senegalensis*). *pl.* **gbɪ̃ãkʊlsa**.

<sup>1</sup>**gbɪasɪ** [gbɪ̀àsɪ̀] *pl.v*. *cf:* **fɪɛrɪ 1** to adjust a share, to harmonize an amount • jàwá tʊ́mà zʊ́ʊ́ dɪ̀ gbɪá-́ sɪ̀ kɪná kɪ ́ ̀njògùléé tʊ́mà pé nì. The market owners entered the market and collected their tokens from the sellers. **2** to pluck or pick the top shoot of bean leaves • gbɪ̀àsɪ̀à sɪgá́

ɲúú nō, já kpá tɔ̀ŋà dɪ̀sá. Pluck bean shoots, we will make soup.

2**gbɪasɪ** (*var. of* **gbaasɪ**)

**gbɪ̃ãsɪama** [gbɪ̃ ̀ã̀sɪ̀àmá] *n*. red patas monkey (*Erythrocebus patas*).

**gbɪ̃ãsʊɔnɪ̃ã** [gbɪ̃ ̀ã́sʊ̀ɔ̀nɪ̃ã́ ̀] *n*. Drongo, type of bird (*Dicrurus genus*). *pl.* **gbɪ̃ãsʊɔnɪsa**.

**gbɪ̃ãtii** [gbɪ̃ã́ ̀tíì] *lit.* monkey-Akee.tree *n*. type of tree (*Agelaea paradoxa*). *pl.* **gbɪ̃ãtise**.

**gbɪntɪ** [gbɪ̀ntɪ̀] *v*. to over-prune by cutting away too many leaves on a plant • dɪ̀ɪ̀gbɪntɪ ́ ̀à sɪgá, ɪ ́ ̀kàá kpʊ̄ā wà. If you continue over-pruning your cow peas, you will kill them.

**gbol** [gbòĺ] *n*. type of skink (*Scincidae*). *pl.* **gbollo**.

**gbolo** [gbòló] *nprop*. Gbolo, person's name.

**gboŋ** [gbóŋ] *n*. type of tree. *pl.* **gboŋo**.

**gborobii** [gbòròbíí] *cf:* **safibii** *n*. key. (Waali <gbòròbírì). *pl.* **gborobie**.

**gbugo** [gbùgò] *v*. to be plentiful, to be over-abundant • sɪ̀ɪ̀máá gbùgò bá wò bà dí ká vɪ̀ɛ̀. The food was plentiful for them, they ate but refused some.

**gbul** [gbùĺː] *n*. blunt, dull *ant:* **di<sup>3</sup>** . *pl.* **gbullo**.

**gbulo** [gbùlò] *v*. to be blunt • à kísìé gbúlóó. The knife is blunt. (Gonja <gbɨ́l).

**gburugulugee** [gbùrùgùlúgéè] *n*. tadpole. *pl.* **gburuguluguso**.

## gbʊgʊl


# **h**


to describe the texture of a liquid • tɪɛ́ ̀ à kùbíí gbʊ́ŋà. Let the porridge be thick.


lɪ̀dɪ̀àrɪ̀mùŋ. Kala has been with me since yesterday. m̩ ̀ búúré mòlèbíé bìrgì háálɪ̀ǹ̩ há wà nã́ã̀. I struggled to get money for some time but still have not got any.


## hããsi

## hambara


## hããsii

## hamɔnanãʊ̃


## hɛma

### hɛmbie


ɪ̀ wàá kɪ̀n zʊ̀ʊ̀ ɪ̀ɪ̀ tɔ́ʊ́ nɪ.̄ Without family relations, you cannot live in your village. *pl.* **hɪ̃ɛ̃na**.


<sup>2</sup>**hɪl** [hɪ̀ĺ] *n*. drought.

**hɪla** [hɪlá] ́ *n*. in-law. *pl.* **hɪlasa**.


**hog** [hóg] *n*. bone. *pl.* **hogo**.


**hogulbummo** [hògùlbúmmò] *n*. type of cockroach, larger than hogul.

hɔ̃ʊ̃


**holiŋ** [hólíŋ] *cf:* **hogul** *n*. cockroach. [*Mo, Ka, Tu, Ti*]. *pl.* **holmo**.

**holnɔŋpɛtɪɪ** [hólnɔ́ŋpɛ̀tɪ̀ɪ̀] *n*. Afzelia bella seed shell.

**hɔhɔla** (*var. of* **hɔlahɔla**)


huor


# **i**

**i** (*var. of* **ɪ**)


them. tɪ̀ɛ̀à nàmɪ̃ã̀ ́hʊ́là. Let the meat be dry.


mã̀ã̀tɪŋ kà dʊ ̄ ́ìlèʔìlè. Go to the market and get dawadawa balls that are dark in colour.


**ise** [ìsé] *n*. **1** type of insect which likes the sweat of human beings, produces a thick substance sweeter than honey called ise, but tiny in quantity. **2** thick substance produced by an insect called ise. *pl.* **ise**.

# **ɪ**

ise

**ɪ** [ɪ] (*var.* **i**) *pro*. 2.sg. (you) • bà búúrè ɪɪ́́kṹũ̄.They want you to be tired.

**ɪ̃ã** [ʔɪ̃ ̀ã́] *n*. guinea worm. *pl.* **ɪ̃ãsa**.

**ɪɪwa** [ɪɪ́wà] ́ *pro*. second person singular emphatic pronoun.

**ɪjɛ** [ʔɪjɛ́ ̀] *cf:* **ɪjɛla** *interj*. praise name and title for the ɪjɛlaclan.

**ɪjɛla** [ɪ̀jɛ̀là] *cf:* **ɪjɛ** *nprop*. clan found in Gurumbele.

**ɪl** [ʔɪɬ]́ *n*. breast. *pl.* **ɪla**.

**ɪla** [ʔɪ̀là] *v*. to take care, to watch, to guard, to protect against • má ká ɪ̀là

# **j**

<sup>1</sup>**ja** [ja] (*var.* **<sup>1</sup> jaa**) *v*. to do • tʃɔ̀pɪ̀sɪ̀bɪ́mùŋ ʊ̀ já jáʊ̀. He does it every day. ɲɪ̀nɪ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ́ǹ̩ kà jȁȁ?What did I do?

2**ja** [ja] (*var.* **jɛ**) *pro*. first person plural pronoun • já káálɪ̀. Let us go (noninitiated action). jà káálɪjɛ́ ́ʊ́. We went.

1**jaa** (*var. of* **ja**)

<sup>2</sup>**jaa** [jàà] *v*. **1**to fetch water, to dip out liquid • jàà nɪɪ́ ́tɪ̀ɛ̀ ń̩ ɲʊ̃ ́ã̀. Fetch water and give it to me. jàà pɛ́.Fetch

**isi** [ʔísì] *cf:* **wɔsasiile** *interj*. title and praise name for the wɔsɪsiileclan.

**ito** [ʔítò] *cf:* **itolo** *interj*. praise name and title for the itoloclan.

**itolo** [ítóló] *cf:* **ito** *nprop*. clan found in Gurumbele.

ɲàmmɪ̃ɪ́̃ ́kùò ní. Go and take care of the maize at the farm.

**ɪlɛ** [ʔɪlɛ́ ̀] *cf:* **wɔsalɛɛla** *interj*. title and praise name for the wɔsɪlɛɛla clan.

**ɪlnʊ̃ã** [ʔɪ̀lnʊ̃ ̀ã̀] *n*. nipple. *pl.* **ɪlnʊ̃ãsa**.

**ɪtʃa** [ʔɪtʃà] ́ *cf:* **wɔsatʃaala** *interj*. praise name and title for the wɔsɪtʃaalaclan.

**ɪwɛ** [ʔɪwɛ ́ ̀] *cf:* **wɔsawɪɪla** *interj*. praise name and title for the wɔsɪwɪɪlaclan.

and add more. **2** to take grains in quantity • jàà ɲàmmɪ̃ɪ́̃ ́ká tɪ̀ɛ̀ ɪ̀ɪ̀hɪ̀làháàŋ. Take some maize for your female in-laws.

<sup>3</sup>**jaa** [jáá] *v*. **1** to be • ʊ̀ jáá ǹ̩ǹ̩ ɲɪná́ rá. He is my father. **2** to be equal • kɪnâlɪ ́ ̀ɛ̀ ɪ̀kpá pɛ̀ àlɪ̀ɛ̀ nɪ, à jáá ànáá-̄ sɛ̀.Two plus two equals four.

4**jaa** [jáà] *pv*. indicate action that occurs regularly, repeatedly, or habitually • ʊ̀ jáà káálɪ̀kùò ró tʃɔ̀pɪ̀sɪ̀bíí jaarɪ

> múŋ̀. He goes to the farm everyday. tááŋú jáà tíé gēr ré. Tangu eats lizard regularly.


on • gbòló ŋmá dɪ́ʊ̀ jálásɪ́ǹ̩ nɪ̄dɪ́ǹ̩ kàá tɪɛ́ ́ʊ́ lààbàkɔ̀ dùhó. Gbolo said that he relies on me to give him yam seedlings.

**jalɪɛ** (*var. of* **jarɪɛ**)


**jarɪɪ** [jàrɪɪ́̀] *n*. Islam.


## jegisi


**jɛ** (*var. of* **ja**)

**jɛla** (*var. of* **jala**)

**jiriti** [jírítí] *cf:* **bummo** *ints*. very black • à hã́ã̀ŋ, ʊ̀ sààlɪɪ́ ́tɪ̀ŋ bírèō jírítí. The woman, her stirred t.z. is very black.

**jɪbii** [jɪ̀bíí] *n*. grain of salt.


**jɪrɪɪ** [jɪrɪ́ ɪ́]́ *n*. calling. *pl.* **jɪrɪɛ**. **jɪsa** [jɪ̀sá] *n*. salt. *pl.* **jɪsasa**.


**joŋ** [jóŋ̀] *n*. slave. *pl.* **joso**.


## jɔsɪ

jɔʊsɪ


**julullu** [júlúllú] *ints*. very cold • à pɪáwātà sʊ ́ ́ɔ́nɪ̀jã̀ʊ̃ ̄júlúllú.The water

# **k**

<sup>1</sup>**ka** [ka] *conn*. (*var.* **<sup>1</sup>kaa**) **1** and, then • kààlɪ̀ká wàà. Go and come. kààlɪ̀ ká bɪ̀rà wàà. Go, then come back. kàlá káálɪ́jàwá ká jàwà múrò rō. Kala went to the market and bought rice. **2** but • ǹ̩káálɪʊ́ ́ká ǹ̩wà náʊ̀.I went but I did not see him.

2**ka** [ka] *cf:* **wa** *pv*. convey the process to the end point of an event • à váá kà dʊ́nsɪ́ à bìé.The dog bit

sachet is freezing. (Gonja).


**jʊlɪŋdʊɔla** [jʊ̀lɪ̀ŋdʊ̀ɔ̀là] *lit.* rainy.season-fetch.location *nprop*. location south of Ducie.


the child. à váá kàà dʊ́nsɪ̀à bìé. The dog bites the child.

1**kaa** (*var. of* **ka**)


# kaa

### kajajo


tʃɔ̀pɪ̀bɪɪ́ ́múŋ̀. This man just sits and clears his throat every day.


### kaɲaaga


## kaɲeti

gà dɪ̀ káálɪ̀ dɪ̀á, ǹ̩ wà zɪmá wɪ ́ ɪ́-́ mùŋ. Take your complaint with you and go home, I do not know anything about it.


**kapʊsɪfala** [kàpʊ́sɪ̀fàlá] *cf:* **fala** *n*. kola nut container or its content

• bɪ̀tɪ̀ɪ̀ɪ̀ kàpʊ́sɪ̀fàlá tɪ̀ŋ bìlè hàglɪɪ́ ́nɪ̄jà nà. Scatter you kola nuts on the ground so we can see.


**kasɪ** (*var. of* **tʃasɪ**)


## katɪɛrɛ

katʊɔ


point and dipped in ink to write with. (Hausa, ultm. Arabic <alkalami).


**keregi** (*var. of* **kerigi**)

**kerigi** [kérígí] (*var.* **keregi**) *pl.v*. to break many, to be broken • kérígí dààsá dʊ́ dɪŋ nɪ ́ .́ Break firewood and put it into the fire. kùndúúgù tíwíí kòdórógòsó múŋ̀ à kérégìjē. The bridges on the Kundugu road are broken.

**kesi** (*var. of* **tʃesi**)

**keti** [kètì] *v*. *cf:* **kpɛtɪ** (*var.* **tʃeti**) **1** to break • à hááŋ néŋ̀ kétìjō. The woman's arm is broken. kétí kpāāsà tɪɛ̄ŋ̄̀.Cut a branch and make a

## keti

# kɪɛmɪ

whip for me. **2** to pick from a living plant, especially for maize • ʊ̀ káálɪ́ kùó ʊ́ ká kētī ɲàmmɪ̃ɪ́̃.́ He went to the farm to pick a maize cob.


3**kii** [kìí] *cf:* **tʃiir** *n*. taboo. [*Gu*].


**kiir** (*var. of* **tʃiir**)

**kiiri** [kììrì] *v*. to breathe with difficulty, because of asthma or exertion • ù kíírùū. She is breathing with difficulty.

**kil** [kìĺː] *n*. dance-floor.


## kɪŋdɪɪŋ

kɪ̀ɛ̀mɪ̀ báàn nɪ.̄ I do not want anybody to make a noise here.

**kɪɛŋɪ** (*var. of* **tʃɪɛŋɪ**)

**kɪɛrɪ** (*var. of* **tʃɪɛrɪ**)


**kɪlɪɛ** (*var. of* **kɪlɛɛ**)

**kɪma** (*var. of* **tʃɪma**)


**kɪnbɪrɪŋ** [kɪ̀mbɪrɪ́ ŋ]́ *n*. whole.


**kɪntʃɪagɪɪ** [kɪ̀ntʃɪágɪ ́ ɪ́̀] *n*. fragile, something easily breakable. *pl.* **kɪntʃɪagɛɛ**.

**kɪntʃʊalɪɪ** [kɪntʃʊalɪɪ] *n*. mat or mattress. *pl.* **kɪntʃʊalɛɛ**.

**kɪntʃʊma** [kɪ̀ntʃʊ̀má] *cf:* **gɛnɪɪ** *n*. dirty or bad thing, may also be used to refer to an unappreciated person.

**kɪnwɪlɪɪ** [kɪ̀nwɪ̀lɪɪ́̀] *n*. sore, a skin lesion or wound. *pl.* **kɪnwɪlɪɛ**.

**kɪnzeŋ** [kɪ̀nzèŋ́] *n*. big thing. *pl.* **kɪnzenee**.

**kɪnzɪnɪɪ** [kɪ̀nzɪnɪ ́ ɪ́̀] *n*. horse. *pl.* **kɪnzɪnɪɛ**.

**kɪnzɪŋɪɪ** [kɪ̀nzɪŋɪ ́ ̃ɪ́̃]́ *n*. long thing. *pl.* **kɪnzɪŋɛɛ**.

**kɪŋmaŋana** [kɪ̀mmáŋáná] *n*. drummer. *pl.* **kɪŋmaŋnesa**.

**kɪŋ** (*var. of* **kɪn**)

**kɪŋdɪɪŋ** [kɪ̀ndɪɪ́̀ŋ] *cf:* **dɪɪŋ; nɪdɪɪŋ; wɪdɪɪŋ; bidɪɪŋ** *n*. valuable thing.

## kɪɛŋɪ

## kɪŋkaŋ

**kɪŋkaŋ** [kɪ̀ŋkáŋ̀] *quant*. many, much, abundantly • dúó tʃʊ̄āɪ̄kɪŋkàŋ wà ́ wéré. Sleeping too much is not good.

**kɪŋkuree** (*var. of* **kɪŋkurugie**)


**kɪrɪɪsaal** [kɪ̀rɪɪ́̀sààl] *n*. wasp's nest.


**kogii** [kógíí] *n*. protection.

**kogo** [kògò] *v*. to hold and keep from falling by supporting or protecting • kpá ɪ̀ɪ̀néŋ̀ kògò à téébùl ɲúù à sìbíè tɪ́wá bìlìnsì tʃélíí.Put your hand

on the table top so that the beans do not roll and fall.


## konti

### kontii

a motorcycle rider picks you, put your arms around him otherwise you will fall.


**kotaal** [kótààl] *n*. asphalt, bitumen. (ultm. English <coal tar).


## kɔla

## kɔŋkʊɔgɪɪ

have looked over the work I have done and it is not up to your expectations. **3** to defeat • à nɪhɪ ́ ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ̂gɛ̀rɛ̀gá tɪŋ́ ̀ kɔ́láʊ́ rā. The elder's sickness killed him.


## kɔla

## kummii

**kɔɔ** (*Mo. var. of* **kɔwa**)


**kɔsabirijuoni** (*var. of* **kɔsagbɛgbɛ**)


**kɔsɪ** [kɔ̀sɪ̀] *v*. to be overgrown, to be thick • tɪ́wá tɪ̀ɛ̀ à kùó dɪ́kɔ̄sɪ.̄ Do not let weeds tale over the farm.


## kumpii


1**kuo** [kùó] *n*. farm. *pl.* **kuono**.


**kuori** (*Mo. var. of* **kuoru**)


## kusi

### kʊrkɪɪ


**kuubummo** (*var. of* **kuu**)


**kʊrkɪɪ** [kʊ̀rəkɪ̀ɪ̀] *n*. difference.

## kʊrʊgbãŋʊ

(Gonja <kórʔ).

**kʊrʊgbãŋʊ** [kʊ̀rʊ̆ ̀gbã̀ŋʊ́] *n*. type of tree (*Dracaena arborea*). *pl.* **kʊrʊgbãŋʊsa**.

**kʊrʊmbʊra** [kʊ̀rʊ̀mbʊ́rà] *n*. fog.


# **kp**

**kpa** [kpà] *v*. *cf:* **paa** *cf:* **jʊʊ 1** take •


**kʊzaaɲinii** (*var. of* **kʊzaalimmii**)

kpá à pár tɪɛ̄ŋ. ̄Give me

#### kpa jug

kpããŋnɪɪ

the hoe. **2** to mark the beginning or commencement of an action • à dʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ kpá kàŋkàlàŋ kàŋkàlàŋ. The python started crawling rapidly. **3** to marry (a woman) • ʊ̀ kpáʊ́rà.He married her.


for something and walk about from place to place • bá ká kpã̀ã̀nɪ̀ fʊ́l ̀ à kùò nɪ.̄They are going to search for certain leaves at the farm.


## kpããŋnɪɪdɪsa


**kpããwʊdɪ** (*Mo. var. of* **kpããŋwou**)


## kpãnna


**kpalɪgɪɪ** (*var. of* **kpalɪgɛ**)


## kpantɪɪ


**kpatakpalɛ** [kpàtàkpàlɛ́] *n*. type of hyena *syn:* **badaarɛ; 2 tʊ̃ʊ̃** *synt:* **tebintɪɪna** . *pl.* **kpatakpalɛsa**.


## kpere

## kperii

usual and unexplainable, he takes burning charcoal and swallows it.


**2** to crack and break • à báál dɛ́là à kúr nɪ, ʊ́ ̀ʊ̀ kpɛ́tɪ.́ The man leaned on the chair and it broke.

**kpibii** [kpĭ̀bíì] *n*. louse. *pl.* **kpibii**.


## kpoŋ

## kpõŋkpõŋ


## kputi

## laadimii


# **l**

**la** (*var. of* **ra**)


**kpʊrɪɪnɪɪ** [kpʊ̀rɪɪ́nɪ ́ ̀ɪ̀] *n*. bile.

**kpʊsɪ** [kpʊ̀sɪ̀] *v*. to singe off feathers with fire • má kpʊ́sɪ̀à záàl tɪ̀ɛ̀ bá tɔ́ŋà. You singe off the fowl so they can cook.

dì. Some people do not believe the landlord.


## kpʊ

## laanfɪa

turn from the bush. *syn:* **nɪmɪsa**

<sup>1</sup>**laanfɪa** [láánfɪà]́ *n*. good health • bà kpágá láánfɪá rā. ́ They are in good health. *ant:* **<sup>1</sup>wɪɪ** (Hausa, ultm. Arabic <lāfiyā̀'health').

<sup>2</sup>**laanfɪa** [làànfɪà]́ *n*. pineapple.

**laarɪ** [lààrɪ̀] *v*. *cf:* **vɔwa; liŋe 1** to wear, to dress, to put clothes on • lààrɪ̀ ɪ̀ɪ̀ sùkúù kɪná. ́ Wear your school dress. **2** to rub, as in rubbing oil over t.z. for it not to harden • lɔ̀gà nʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ lààrɪ̀ à kʊ́ʊ́. Take some oil and smear the top of the t.z. **3** to paint • bà tʃɪ́kàá lààrɪ̀ǹǹ dɪ̀á péntì rē. They will paint my house tomorrow. **4** to touch and feel, as a blind person feeling objects and people • ɲʊ́lʊ́má kpá bà nésē dɪ̀ láárɪ̀nárá bārā. Blind people use their hands to feel other people.

**laarɪbɔkɔ** (*var. of* **laabɔkɔ**)


here just now.


**lal** [lál] *n*. war. *pl.* **lala**.


## lalaga

## lalasa

thing • sũ̀ũ̀ lálàgàsá wàá kɪ̀ŋ kùrò. The colors of a guinea fowl cannot be counted. **2** spiritual weapon used to protect new farm. *pl.* **lalagasa**.


(as it passed through the wrong tube, not the oesophagus).


<sup>1</sup>**laʊ** [láʊ́] *n*. farm hut. *pl.* **lawa**.

2**laʊ** (*var. of* **lɔʊ**)

**le** (*var. of* **ra**)


## lɛdaa

lɛhɛɛ


## lieŋ


**liise** [líísé] *n*. thought. *pl.* **liisese**.


2**lile** [lìlé] *n*. throat.

**lilebʊa** [lìlèbʊ̀á] *n*. opening of the throat. *pl.* **lilebʊasa**.

**lilesi** [lìlìsì] *pl.v*. to swallow (many) • à dʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ lílésí kɪ̀ŋkáná rá à dʊ́ ʊ̀ pàtʃɪgɪ ́ ɪ́ ́nɪ.́ The python swallowed diverse things in his stomach.

lɪɪ


### lɪmmaŋa

## loŋkpʊrgɪɪ


**lo** (*var. of* **ra**)


## lɔɔlɪmunzʊalunzʊa

.

**loŋŋi** [lóŋŋĩ]́ *v*. **1** to jump from branch to branch, from tree to tree • à gbɪ̃ã̀ ́ lóŋŋĩ̀ dààsá dɪ̄káálɪ̀. The monkey jumps from tree to tree and is going away. **2** to be contagious • tàgàtʃúúnè gɛ̀rɛ̀gá káá lōŋŋũ̀ũ̀.Measles is contagious.

loŋŋi

**loŋo** [lóŋò] *n*. hourglass-drum beaten with a curved stick. *pl.* **loŋoso**.

**loŋodaa** [lóŋòdáá] *n*. curved drumming stick. *pl.* **loŋodaasa**.

**loŋpoglii** [lóŋpòɣəlíì] *n*. type of tree (*Strychnos spinosa*). *pl.* **loŋpoglee**.

**loŋwie** [lõ̀õ̀wìé] *n*. wooden flute. *pl.* **loŋwise**.

**loori** [lòòrì] *v*. to wither, to hang limp and lacking rigidity • dààsá múŋ̀ nō lóórì gbàŋgbàŋ nɪ.̄ All the trees wither during the season of harmattan.

**looto** [lòòtó] *n*. intestine. *pl.* **lootoso**.

**lootowie** [lòòtŏ̀wìé] *n*. small intestine. *pl.* **lootowise**.


**loro** [lòrò] *num*. six *Enum of:* **aloro** .

**loroto** [lórótó] *ideo*. very sweet, sugary • à tíì dʊ́ lórótó rō. The tea is very sweet.

**lotoremuŋ** [lòtórémúŋ] *n*. head of mandible, lower back extremity of the jaw bone. *pl.* **lotoremuno**


**lɔgɪsɪ** [lɔ̀gə̆ ̀sɪ̀] *pl.v*. to scoop, to cut morsel • ʊ̀ lɔ́gɪsɪ́ ̀ bɔ́tɪzéníé ré. ́ He scoops big morsels.

**lɔja** [lɔ́jà] *n*. lawyer. (ultm. English).

**lɔŋa** (*Mo. var. of* **lʊɔŋa**)

**lɔɔlɪ** [lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀] (*var.* **lɔɔrɪ**) *n*. car, vehicle. (ultm. English <lorry). *pl.* **lɔɔlɪsa**.

**lɔɔlɪgbɛrbɪɪ** [lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀gbɛ̀rbɪɪ́]́ *n*. car key. *pl.* **lɔɔlɪgbɛrbɪɛ**.

**lɔɔlɪmɪlɪma** [lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀mɪlɪ́ má] ́ *n*. car driver. *pl.* **lɔɔlɪmɪlɪmasa**.

**lɔɔlɪmunzʊalunzʊa** [lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀mùnzʊ̀àlún zʊ̀à] *n*. semi-trailer, articulated ve-

### lɔɔlɪsããr

hicle, Gh. Eng. articulator. [*oldfash*].

**lɔɔlɪsããr** [lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀sã́ã́r] *n*. car driver. *pl.* **lɔɔlɪsããra**.

**lɔɔrɪ** (*var. of* **lɔɔlɪ**)


lùgùsì kpã́ã́má à vìì ní. Remove yams from the pot. lùgùsì kpààmbɪ̀lɪɛ́ ̀ kʊ̀záá nɪ̄à tɪɛ̄ʊ̄ ̄. Remove the cooked yams from the basket and give them to him.


1**luho** [lúhò] *n*. funeral. *pl.* **luhoso**.

2**luho** [lùhó] *n*. Double-spurred Francolin (*Francolinus bicalcaratus*). *pl.*

## luho

## luhodendil

## **luhono**.

## **luhodendil** (*var. of* **ludendil**)

**luhokʊɔrɪɪ** (*var. of* **selekpʊɪɪ**)


**lulii** [lúlíí] *n*. medicine. *pl.* **lulie**.


**lunʊŋ** [lúnʊ́ŋ] *lit.* funeral-hot *cf:* **lusɪnna** *n*. first funeral, fast funeral, at a person's death. *pl.* **lunʊma**.

**luŋ** (*cntrvar.* **lumo**)


**luolibanɪɪ** (*var. of* **lobanɪɪ**)


## lusɪnna

## mããbise

**luti** [lútí] *cf:* **lurigi** *v*. to puncture, to make a hole in something • lútí nɔ̃ ̀ʔɪl kɔ ́ ́ŋkɔ̀ŋ. Make a hole in the milk tin.

**luto** [lùtó] *n*. root. *pl.* **lutoso**.

**lʊga** [lʊ̀gà] *v*. **1** to forge and shape iron • lʊ́lʊ́tá káá lʊ̄gà prɛ́gà. A blacksmith is forging finger bells. **2** to struggle or strive, to be engaged with a problem or a task • lʊ̀gà já pétí jà tʊ́má làgá nɪ̀. Strive, so we can finish our work fast. **3** to wrestle • hàmɔ̃ ́wísè jáà lʊ́gà dèndíl ní rē. Children usually wrestle outside.

<sup>1</sup>**lʊgɪɪ** [lʊ̀gɪɪ́̀] *n*. iron. *pl.* **lʊgɛɛ**.

<sup>2</sup>**lʊgɪɪ** [lʊ́gɪɪ́]́ *n*. wrestling.

**lʊl** [lʊ̀ĺ] *n*. biological relation, family tie • ɲɪ̀nɪ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ́mā lʊ̀ĺ kà dʊ̄? ʊ̀ jáá ǹ̩ǹ̩ hɪ̃ɛ́ ̃-́ ná bìè rē. A: How are you related? B: He is my aunt's child. *pl.* **lʊla**.

**lʊla** [lʊ̀là] *cf:* **luo; tɪa** *v*. to bear, to bring forth, to give birth • kpàgà ɪ̀ɪ̀

# **m**

**m** (*var. of* **n**)

**ma** [mà] *pro*. second person plural pronoun • ǹ̩ súmmùū má ná ɲúwéríí.I pray for you to succeed.

**mãã** [mã̀ã́] *n*. mother. *pl.* **mããma**.

**mããbie** [mã́ã́bìé] *n*. **1** brother or sister younger than ego. **2** cousin younger than ego, child of an aunt or uncle. *pl.* **mããbise**.

**mããbiewaatelepusiŋ** [mã̀ã́bìéwāátè

háàŋ kààlɪ̀ ásɪ̀bɪtɪ́ ̀ ʊ́ ká lʊ̀là. Take your wife to the hospital to give birth.

**lʊlɪɪ** [lʊ́lɪɪ́]́ *n*. giving birth • ʊ̀ lʊ́lɪɪ́ ́ kpégéò àwɪɛ́ ́ ʊ̀ dɪ̀ pɛ́mà. Her delivery is hard that is why she groans. *pl.* **lʊlɪɛ**.

**lʊlʊta** [lʊ́lʊ́tá] *cntr.* **lʊta** *n*. blacksmith. *pl.* **lʊlʊtasa**.

**lʊɔŋ** [lʊ̀ɔ́ŋ] *n*. mane, hair on the neck of a mammal. *pl.* **lʊɔma**.

**lʊɔŋa** [lʊ̀ɔ̀ŋá] *cf:* **lɪmmaŋa** (*Mo. var.* **lɔŋa**) *n*. dry season.

**lʊɔrɪ** [lʊ̀ɔ̀rɪ] *v*. to sneak, to move stealthily with agility • lʊ̀ɔ̀rɪ̀ ká ɲínè ná à wɔ̀tʃɪ̀mã́ɪ̃ ̀ kàà tʃʊ́á dùò rò. Sneak and check whether the watchman is asleep.

**lʊpɛ** [lʊ̀pɛ̀] *num*. seven *Enum of:* **alʊpɛ** .

**lʊsa** [lʊ̀sá] *n*. hunger • lʊ̀sá kpágáń̩ nà.I am hungry.

**lʊta** (*cntrvar.* **lʊlʊta**)

lèpúsíŋ] *lit.* sibling-will.not-reachmeet.me *n*. type of snake *syn:* **suoŋdaawie** .

**mããbinɪbaal** [mã́ã́bìnɪ̀báàl] *n*. male cousin of female ego.

**mããbinɪhããŋ** [mã́ã́bìnɪ̀hã́ã̀ŋ] *cf:* **mããbise** *n*. female cousin of male ego.

**mããbise** [mã́ã́bìsē] *cf:* **mããbinɪhããŋ** *n*. maternal lineage.

### mããbʊ̃ʊ̃ŋ


**maasɪ** [mààsɪ̀] *v*. **1** to be earlier or already, Gh. Eng. ever • ɪ̀ kà máásɪ́

# mamaatʃi

kààlɪ̀ bɛ̀lɛ̀ɛ́ dɪ̀ ǹ̩ wàà tùó. The time you went to Gurumbele, I was not there. ǹ̩ máásɪ́ bìgìsì tɪɛ̄ɪ̄̄kéŋ tɪ̀ŋ bà kà jáʊ́. I have already demonstrated to you how to do it. **2** to be enough, in satisfactory state, to be right amount or size • à máásɪʊ́ ́kéŋ̀, tɪ́brà jólīī. It is okay like that, stop pouring. ʊ̀ máásɪ́kpʊ̄kɪ̀rɪ̀nsá wá àká ná bár pàrà. He killed enough tsetse flies to get a chance to the farm. **3** to fit, to be worthy • nààtɔ́- wá hámà, áwèmē kàá mààsɪ̀ǹǹ nààsá? These sandals, which of them would fit my feet? **4** to be equal, to make equal or even • nɪ̀búlúmmò múŋ̀ wà māāsɪ̄dɔ́ŋà. Human beings are not equal. wʊ̀sá nɪ́ áfíá bɪ̀nsá máásɪ́ dɔ́ŋá rà. Wusa is as old as Afia.


**magsɪ** (*Gu. var. of* **maŋsɪ**)


### mana


**maŋsɪ** [máŋsɪ]́ *v*. (*Gu. var.* **magsɪ**) **1** to measure • máŋsɪ́ ǹ̩ǹ̩ zɪŋ-́ zɪŋ tɪ ́ ɛ̄ŋ̄ ̄. Measure my height for me. **2** to doubt, to wonder about • bà wà máŋsɪ́dɪ́ǹ̩ wàà tùó dùsìè nɪ.̄ They do not doubt that I'm not in Ducie.


## masɪ

## matʃeo

flies to death.

**matʃeo** [màtʃéó] *num*. twenty. *pl.* **matʃewo**.

**mawa** [máwà] *pro*. second person plural emphatic pronoun • bà lɪ-́ sɪ̀ máwà rā, ká gɪ̀là máwâ. They choose you (people here), but left you (people there) (with gesture).

**mawaa** [máwáá] *pro*. second person plural strong pronoun.

**meeli** [méélì] *n*. mile. (ultm. English).

**meesin** [méésìn] *n*. mason. (ultm. English).

**mɛŋ** [mɛ̀ŋ́] *n*. dew, mist. *pl.* **mɛŋ**.

**mɛŋŋɪ̃**[mɛ́ŋŋɪ̃]́ *v*. **1** to sieve by turning the container sideways • kpá à fàlá wà mɛ́ŋŋɪ́ ɲàmmɪ̃ɪ́̃.́ Take the calabash and sieve the maize. **2** to balance from one side to another in walking • à hááŋ válá mɛŋŋɪ ̄ ̃ ̄à wāā. The woman walks balancing towards us.

**mɛrɛkɛtɛ** [mɛ́rɛ́kɛ́tɛ́] *n*. woven mat made of guinea corn stalks. *pl.* **mɛrɛkɛtɛsa**.

**miidaa** [mììdáá] *n*. space between the eyebrows. *pl.* **miidaasa**.

**miimi** [míímì] *n*. shrub with pinkish flower bundles (*Bougainvillea glabra*). *pl.* **miimise**.

**miiri** [mììrì] *v*. to dive, to swim under water • zɪ̀àŋ míírí nɪɪ́ ́ à kpàgà ɲínẽ́ẽ̀.Ziang dived and caught fish.

**minti** [míntì] *n*. minute. (ultm. English). *pl.* **mɪntɪsa**.

**mintiŋ** [míntìŋ] *n*. meeting *syn:* **lagamɪɪ** . *pl.* **mintinse**.

**misi** [mísí] *v*. to whisper • ʊ̀ mísí wɪɛ̄̄dʊ́ ùù bìé dɪgɪ ́ ná nɪ ́ .́ He whispered into his child's ear.

**misiri** (*var. of* **wʊzaandɪa**)

**mita** [mítà] *n*. metre, measure of length. (ultm. English). *pl.* **mitasa**.

**mɪ̃ãbɪwaʊ** [mɪ̃ã́ ́bɪwáʊ ́ ́] *lit.* guinea. corn-matured *n*. type of beetle (*Lucanidae fam.*). *pl.* **mɪ̃ãbɪwaʊ**.

<sup>1</sup>**mɪ̃ɪ̃**[mɪ̃ɪ́̃]́ *n*. guinea corn, used in making porridge, t.z. and brewing sɪŋsɪama (*Sorghum*). *pl.* **mɪ̃ã**.

<sup>2</sup>**mɪ̃ɪ̃**[mɪ̃ ̀ɪ̃ ̀] *v*. to send out a current of air out of the nose to eject phlegm • mɪ̃ɪ̀̃ ̀ ɪ̀ɪ̀ mɪ̀ɪ̀sá tà. Blow the phlegm out of your nose.

<sup>3</sup>**mɪ̃ɪ̃**[mɪ̃ ̀ɪ̃]́ *n*. gun front sight. *pl.* **mɪ̃ɪ̃na**.

**mɪɪbʊa** [mɪ̀ɪ̀bʊ̀á] *n*. **1** nostril. **2** life • m̩ ̀ mɪ̀ɪ̀bʊ̀à fɪ́ bɪrgɪ ́ ̀. May I live long! wʊ̀sá tɪɛ́ ́ɪ́mɪ̀ɪ̀bʊ̀à zéŋéé. May God give you long life. *pl.* **mɪɪbʊasa**.

**mɪɪfɔtɪɪ** [mɪ̀ɪ̀fɔ̀tɪɪ́̀] *n*. nasal congestion.

**mɪ̃ɪ̃jalɪɪ** [mɪ̃ ̀ɪ̃ ̀jálɪɪ́̀] *n*. nose bleed, epistaxis, common for some in harmattan.

**mɪ̃ɪ̃nɪ** [mɪ̃ɪ́̃nɪ ́ ]́ *v*. to betray • bákúríí mɪ̃ɪ́̃nɪ ́ ń ̄tɪ̀ɛ̀ʊ̀ʊ̀ ɲɪná. ́ Bakuri betrayed me by telling his father.

**mɪ̃ɪ̃sa** [mɪ̃ ̀ɪ̃ ̀sá] *n*. nose • mɪ̃ɪ̀̃ ̀ mɪ̀ɪ̀sá. Blow your nose. *pl.* **mɪ̃ɪ̃sasa**.

# mɪ̃ɪ̃sa

### mɔŋpʊŋ

**mɪla** (*var. of* **mɪna**)


à báál lūlīī rē, ʊ̀ sìì. They sprinkled medicine on the man, he recovered.


### mɔŋsugo


# murisi


### muro


**musi** (*var. of* **diebie**)


kpá à bíé à jùò tá. Children generally suck mangoes and throw away the seed.


<sup>2</sup>**mʊma** [mʊ̀má] *n*. laughter.


## mʊsaa

## nããkeliŋke

**mʊsɪ**[mʊ́sɪ]́ *v*. to rain gently • à dúòŋ wáá pétūū à káá mʊ̄sɪ.̄The rain has eased off but it still falls lightly.

**mʊtɪ** [mʊ̀tɪ̀] *cf:* **lɪsɪ** *v*. to spit, to remove from mouth • dɪ́ɪ́mʊ̄tɪ̀ kpúlíkpúlí tà.Spit the candy out.

**mʊtʊl** [mʊ̀tʊ̀ĺ] *n*. West African mole

# **n**

**n** [n̩] (*var.* **m**, **ŋ**) *pro*. first person singular pronoun • bàà jááʊ̄dɪ́ń̩ń̩ tʃélè. They are doing everything for me to fail.

<sup>1</sup>**na** [ná] *v*. **1** to see • ǹ̩ ná dɪ̀ ʊ̀ʊ̀ wɪkpágɪ ́ ɛ́ ̀ wíréó. I see that his behaviour are good. **2** to feel, to perceive • tàgà à dɪ̀sá dí nā jɪ̀ɪ̀sá nʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́- wã́ʊ̃ ̄. Dip your finger and taste it to see. **3** to caution, to tell someone to avoid danger • ná, tɪ́wàà káálɪ̀à jùòsíbár. Exercise caution, do not go to the fighting ground.

2**na** (*var. of* **nar**)

3**na** (*var. of* **ra**)

**nãã** [nã́ã́] *n*. **1** leg. **2** process, way, manner • ʊ̀ bùòlnã̀ã̀sá ré kéŋ̀. That is the way she sings. *pl.* **nããsa**.

**nããbibaambaŋ** [nã̀ã̀bíbáámbáŋ] *n*. middle toe. *pl.* **nããbibaambaŋsa**.

**nããbibaambaŋwie** [nã̀ã̀bíbáámbáŋwìé] *n*. fourth toe. *pl.* **nããbibaambaŋwise**.

**nããbii** [nã̀ã̀bíí] *n*. toe. *pl.* **nããbie**. rat (*Cryptomys zechi*). *pl.* **mʊtʊlsa**.

**mʊʊrɪ** [mʊ́ʊ́rɪ]́ *v*. to be dissolved, to dissolve, to erode • à jɪ̀ɪ̀sá há wà mʊ́ʊ́rɪ̀ à dɪ̀sá nɪ.́ The salt has not dissolved in the soup. à dɪ̀á tʃéléó à zɪ̃ã́ ́ múŋ̀ mʊ́ʊ́rɪ.́ The house got destroyed and now the walls are eroded.

**nããbikaŋkawal** [nã̀ã̀bíkàŋkàwál] *n*. big toe. *pl.* **nããbikaŋkawala**.

**nããbiwie** [nã̀ã̀bíwíè] *n*. little toe. *pl.* **nããbiwise**.

**nããbizɪŋɪɪ** [nã̀ã̀bìzɪŋɪ ́ ̃ɪ́̃]́ *n*. index toe. *pl.* **nããbizɪŋɪɛ**.

**nããgbaŋahog** [nã̀ã̀gbáŋáhòk] *n*. tibia. *pl.* **nããgbaŋahogo**.

**nããgbaŋzeŋe** [nã̀ã̀gbàŋzèŋé] *n*. limping in a way to avoid the heel.

**nããhããta** [nã̀ã̀hã̀ã̀tá] *lit.* leg-bitter *n*. state of a person when his or her soul has left *syn:* **dʊŋtʃɔ** .

**nããhũfɔwie** [nã̀ã̀hũ̀fɔ́wíè] *n*. kneecap. *pl.* **nããhũfɔwise**.

**nããhũũ** [nã̀ã̀hṹũ̀] *n*. knee. *pl.* **nããhũũno**.

**nããjɛlɛɛ** [nã̀ã̀jɛ́lɛ́ɛ̀] *n*. cracked and dried skin, usually on and around the heels.

**nããkeliŋke** [nã̀ã̀kélìŋkē] *n*. hopping on one leg, usually due to pain on the other.

## mʊsɪ

### nããkorbʊa

## naasaarsɪŋtʃaʊ


**nããloŋo** (*var. of* nããlomo)


### naasartaa


**naasɪ** (*var. of* **anaasɛ**)

**nããtɪɪna** [nã̀ã̀tɪɪ́ná] ́ *cf:* **nɪɛra** *n*. ego's mother's brother. *pl.* **nããtɪɪnsa**.


**nããtɔwa** [nã̀ã̀tɔ́wá] *n*. pair of shoes.


**nããval** [nã̀ã̀vàĺ] *n*. *lit.* leg-walk **1** circuit or route being walked • kàlá káálɪ́ áfɪá pé rè nã ́ ̀ã̀vàl bʊ̄lɪ̀ɛ̀. Kala has been to Afia's twice. **2** pace or stride. *pl.* **nãvalsa**.

**nããwal** [nã̀ã̀wàĺ] *n*. any relatively large sore on the body. *pl.* **nããwalla**.

**nahã** [nàhã́] *n*. ego's grandmother. *pl.* **nahãma**.


### nama

### namba


## nasããŋ

### nasata

person with whom one can violate some social rules and take belongings from. *pl.* **nasããna**.

**nasata** [nàsátà] *cf:* **nasããŋ** *n*. relation between kin members where two parties can mock playfully one another. Relation may be with ego's grandparents, ego's father's sister's children, or ego's mother's brother's children • jà jáá nàsátá rā.We are playmates.

**nasɪ** [nàsɪ̀] *v*. to step on something with a foot • tɪ́ wá nāsɪ̀ ǹǹ kɪ̀nwɪ̀lɪɪ́̀.Do not step on my sore.

**nasɪɛ** [nàsɪɛ́ ̀] *n*. thunder • nàsɪɛ́ ̀ hɔ̃ ́sɪ̀āʊ̄.The thunder booms.

**nasol** [nàsól] *n*. type of tree (*Grewia carpinifolia*). *pl.* **nasollo**.

**nãʊ̃**[nã̀ʊ̃ ́] *cf:* **nɔ̃ʊ̃** *n*. cow. *pl.* **nãʊ̃**.

**naʊpɪŋa** [nàʊ́pɪ̀ŋá] *n*. type of insect. *pl.* **naʊpɪŋəna**.

**nbuoɲɔ̃**[m̩ ̀ búòɲɔ̃ ̀] *n*. hunter rank of a person who has killed a buffalo. (Gonja).

**ne** (*var. of* **ra**)

**nebietɪɪna** [nébíétɪɪ́ná] ́ *lit.* fingersowner *n*. leopard *synt:* **bʊɔmanɪɪ; ɲuwietɪɪna** .

**nebii** [nébíí] *n*. finger. *pl.* **nebie**.

**nebiifɛtɪɪ** [nébíífɛ́tɪ̀ɪ̀] *n*. fingerprint. *pl.* **nebiifɛtɪɛ**.

**nebikaŋkaŋwal** (*var. of* **nebikaŋkawal**)

**nebikaŋkawal** [nébíkàŋkàwál] (*var.* **nebikaŋkaŋwal**) *n*. thumb. *pl.* **nebikaŋkawala**.

**nebikaŋkawalnanpunii** [nébíkàŋkà wàlnànpúníí] *lit.* thumb-flesh *n*. ball of the thumb (*Thenar eminence*).

**nebipɛtɪɪ** [nébípɛtɪ̄ ɪ̄]̄ *n*. fingernail. *pl.* **nebipɛtɪɛ**.

**nebisunu** [nébísùnū] *n*. little finger *syn:* **nebiwie** . *pl.* **nebisunuso**.

**nebiwie** [nébíwìé] *n*. little finger *syn:* **nebisunu** . *pl.* **nebiwise**.

**nebizeŋii** [nébízēŋīī] *n*. middle finger *syn:* **bambaaŋnebii** .

**nebɪnɪ̃ɪ̃**[nèbɪnɪ ́ ̃ɪ́̃]́ *lit.* hand-old *n*. experienced person. *pl.* **nebɪnɪ̃ɛ̃**.

**negʊma** [négʊ́mā] *n*. elbow. *pl.* **negʊnsa**.

**negbaŋa** [négbáŋà] *n*. interior or crevice of an elbow. *pl.* **negbaŋsa**.

**nekpeg** [nékpég] *cf:* **siitɪɪna** *n*. quality of someone who is never ready to help *ant:* **sɔŋtɪɪna** . *pl.* **nekpege**.

**nekpɛgɪɪ** [nékpɛ́gɪɪ́]́ *n*. biceps. *pl.* **nekpɛgɛɛ**.

**nekpun** [nékpúŋ] *n*. any joint along the arm (finger, elbow, shoulder). *pl.* **nekpuno**.

**neŋ** [néŋ̀] *n*. arm, hand. *pl.* **nese**. **neŋbakpagɪɪ** [némbàkpàgɪɪ́̀] *n*. handle. *pl.* **neŋbakpagɛɛ**.

**neŋgaltɪɪna** [néŋgáltɪɪ̄nā] ̄ *lit.* armleft-owner *n*. monkey *synt:* **gbɪ̃ã** .

**neŋgbiŋ** [néŋꜜgbīŋ] *cf:* **gbiŋ** *n*. wrist ring.

**neŋtɪɪna** [néŋtɪɪ̄nā] ̄ *lit.* arm-owner *n*. elephant *synt:* **bɔla; selzeŋ** . **nepɪɛl** [népɪɛ́ ̀l] *n*. hand. *pl.* **nepɪɛla**.

## nepɪɛl

## nepɪɛlgantal

### nɪbuwerii


**nɛhɪɛ̃**(*var. of* **nahɪ̃ɛ̃**)


**nikana** (*var. of* **nar**)


**nɪbaal** [nɪ̀báàl] *cf:* **baal** *n*. man. *pl.* **nɪbaala**.

**nɪbɔŋ** (*var. of* **nɪbubɔŋ**)


**nɪbudɪɪŋ** (*var. of* **nɪdɪɪŋ**)


**nɪbuwerii** [nɪ̀búwéríí] *n*. honest and sincere person *ant:* **nɪbubɔŋ; siitɪɪna** . *pl.* **nɪbuweree**.

### nɪbʊzɔŋ

**nɪbʊzɔŋ** (*var. of* **nɪzɔŋ**)

**nɪdɪgɪmaŋa** [nɪ̀dɪgɪ ́ máŋá] ́ *n*. lonely person.


office as head of a group • nɪhɪ ́ ̃ɛ́ ̃ ̀lɪŋ́ wà télé bákúrí àká ʊ̀ sʊ̀wà. Bakuri never got tenure because he died too early.


# nɪɪpala

### nɪɪpʊmma


<sup>1</sup>**nɪɪsɔta** [nɪ̀ɪ̀sɔ́tâ] *n*. jaundice.


**nɪpʊmma** (*var. of* **nɪbupʊmma**) **nɪsɪama** (*var. of* **nɪbusɪama**)

**nɪsɔnɪɪ** [nɪsɔ́ ́nɪɪ́]́ *n*. menses *syn:* **doŋojaɪ; tʃagasɪɪ** .


## nɔŋ

## nʊ̃hɛŋ

• nɔ̀ŋ nɪ́ǹ̩ dɪ̀káálɪ̀. I am going to the grinding area. *pl.* **nɔnna**.

.

<sup>2</sup>**nɔŋ** [nɔ́ŋ] *n*. fruit. *pl.* **nɔna**


**nɔ̃wal** [nɔ̃ ̀wál] *n*. bull.

**nɔ̃walee** [nɔ̃ ̀wáléè] *n*. bull calf.

**nɔ̃wii** [nɔ̃ ̀wíí] *n*. calf. *pl.* **nɔ̃wie**.

**nɔʔɔrɔŋ** [nɔ́ʔɔ́rɔ́ŋ] *n*. type of climber (*Acalypha neptunica*). *pl.* **nɔʔɔrɔma**.

**nuhõ** (*var. of* **nuhũ**)


kùó tíwíí zēŋ̀ nʊ̃ ̀ã̀nɪ.̄Spider went to establish his farm by a main road. *pl.* **nʊ̃sa**.


**nʊdɪgɪmaŋa** [nʊ̀dɪgɪ ́ máŋá] ́ *lit.* mouth-one *n*. cooperative group or society.


nɔŋ

### nʊhɔg

the median ventral surface under the tip of the dog's tongue which is usually removed at an early stage as it is believed to prevent the animal to eat or grab a prey properly. *pl.* **nʊ̃hɛma**.


**nʊmɪɪ** [nʊ́mɪɪ́]́ *n*. hot.


**nʊɔr** [nʊ̀ɔ̀ŕ] *n*. chaff.

**nʊra** [nʊ̀rà] *v*. to be pierced by a tiny device, like a splinter or needle • kɪn nʊ ́ ̄rā òò nébíí. He got a splinter in his finger.

**nʊ̃tunii** [nʊ̃ ̀túníí] *n*. lip. *pl.* **nʊ̃tunie**.

<sup>1</sup>**nʊ̃ʊ̃**[nʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́] *cf:* **nʊ̃ʊ̃lɔgɔsɪɪ** *n*. shea butter, oil, grease or fat. *pl.* **nʊ̃ʊ̃ta**.


## nwa

## ɲakpatɛ

# **ɲ**

ɲã

**ɲã** [ɲã́] *v*. **1** to defecate • tɔ́zén nī bà wàà ɲã́ bɪná dèndíl ní. ́ In big towns they do not defecate outside. **2** to lay eggs • ɲíŋsè káá ɲã̄hálá rá, ká ʊ́ʊ́wà wà ɲã́. Fish lay eggs, but this one does not. **3** to rust • ǹǹ sákɪ̀r ɲájàʊ̄.My bicycle is rusty.

<sup>1</sup>**ɲãã** [ɲã̀ã́] *n*. poverty.


**ɲadʊa** [ɲàdʊ́á] *n*. garden egg, eggplant (*Solanum melongena*). *pl.* **ɲa-**

## **dʊasa**.


**ɲagɪ** [ɲágɪ]́ *n*. anger.


**ɲãɪ̃**[ɲã́ɪ̃ ̀] *n*. rust.

**ɲakpatɛ** [ɲàkpàtɛ̀]*cf:* **tʃɔbɪɛl** *n*. grain

ɲalsɪ

> weevil (*Ferrisia virgata*). *pl.* **ɲakpatɛ**.


**ɲaŋsɪ** [ɲàŋə̀sɪ̀] *v*. to do something with joy and happiness • ʊ̀ʊ̀ bárá káá ɲáŋsʊ̀ʊ̄, ʊ̀ kàá kààlɪ̀ kùó kà dí kàpálà. He is excited, he will go to the farm and eat fufu.


ɲiise

**ɲine** [ɲìnè] *v*. **1** to take care of, to watch • màrà ɲínè ǹ̩ǹ̩ dàbágà dɪ̀ǹ̩ wá kààlɪ̀. Take care of my garden while I am away. dɪ̀ ɲínè ŋ̀ŋ̀ kpáámá. Look after at my yams. **2** to depend on, to rely on • ǹ̩ ɲínè ìì síé ní.I depend on you.

**ɲinee** [ɲínẽ́ẽ̀] *n*. fish. *pl.* **ɲiŋse**.

**ɲinĩẽ** (*var. of* **ɲɪnɪ̃ɛ̃**)


**ɲiɲine** (*var. of* **ɲinne**)


**ɲɪna** [ɲɪnà] ́ *n*. father. *pl.* **ɲɪnama**.

**ɲɪnabie** [ɲɪnábìé] ́ *n*. **1** ego's father's children of a different mother. **2** ego's father's brother's children. *pl.* **ɲɪnabise**.


.


### ɲɔgma


**ɲubɔŋ** [ɲúbɔ́ŋ̀] *n*. bad luck.


**ɲuunɪ** (*var. of* **a ɲuu nɪ**)


**ɲuzɪ̃ɪ̃tɪɪna** [ɲúzɪ̃ɪ́̃t́ɪ́ɪ̄nā] ̄ *n*. fairy *synt:* **<sup>1</sup>kɔntɔŋ** .

**ɲʊ̃**[ɲʊ̃ ́] *cf:* **jala** *v*. to germinate, seen individually • ʊ̀ wà ɲʊ̃ ́jɛ̃ ̀ɛ̃.̄ It did not germinate.


ɲʊŋsɪ

farm road. ʊ̀ʊ̀ váá ɲʊ́ŋsɪ̀ʊ̄. His dog is lost.

# **ŋm**


**ɲʊ̃ʊ̃** [ɲʊ̃ ̀ʊ̃ ̀] *v*. to come in a crowd • bàmùŋ wà górúú ɲʊ̃ ̀ʊ̃ ̀. They came around him in numbers.

yams planted • já káálɪ̀kùó à ŋmɛ̀nà kpáámá. Let us to the farm and dig yams.


## ŋmɪ̃ɛ̃

### onzasɪɪ


**ŋmɪɪrɪ** [ŋmɪ̀ɪ̀rɪ̀] *v*. to heal and close a laceration or a wound • ɪ̀pɛ̀mpɛ́l tɪń

# **ŋ**

**ŋ** (*var. of* **n**)

# **o**


ŋmɪɪ́rɪ́ jɛ́ ́ tɔ́ʊ̄. Your sore has closed up.



ŋmɪ̃ɛ̃

### paanɪ

**õõ** (*var. of* **ɛ̃ɛ̃**) **oripere** (*var. of* **oluplen**) *n*..

# **ɔ**


**ɔŋgbɪa** [ʔɔ̀ŋgbɪ̀á] *n*. fearfulness.

**ɔŋgbɪar** [ʔɔ̀ŋgbɪ̀ár] *n*. coward *ant:* **bambiitɪɪna** . *pl.* **ɔŋgbɪara**.

# **p**

**paa** [pàà] *pl.v*. *cf:* **kpa 1** to take, to collect or gather up several things • kà pàà bɪná hámà tā. ́ Go and take these faeces away. **2** to marry women • mɔ̀tígíé káá pāā dùséléé bínɪ̀hã́ã́ná rā. The men from Motigu marry women from Ducie.

**paamãã** [pààmã̀ã́] *n*. type of tree (*Combretum aphanopetalum*). *pl.* **paamããna**.

**ɔɔlɪ** [ʔɔ̀ɔ̀lɪ̀] (*var.* **ʊɔlɪ**) *v*. to not be clean as in washing one's body, clothes or cooking utensils without soap • ɪ̀ɪ̀nɪɪ́ ́tɪŋ ɪ ́ ̀ɪ̀kà sɔ́jɛ̀ kéŋ̀ ɪ̀ɪ̀ɔ́ɔ́lɪ-́ jáʊ́. You are not clean despite the bath you took.


**paanɪ** [páánɪ]́ *v*. to put the blame on someone • bà pã́ã́nɪn nɪ ̀̄ ̄ká ǹ̩ wà jáá

### paanʊ̃ã

wɪɪ́ ́mùŋ. They put the blame on me but I did not do anything. (Waali <pã̀ã̀ná'blame').


**pabii** [pàbíí] *n*. hoe blade. *pl.* **pabie**.


**par** [párː] *n*. hoe. *pl.* **para**.

**para** [pàrà] *v*. to farm, to weed • tʃàkálɛ́ɛ́káá pàrà kpáámá kɪ̀ŋkáŋ̀. The Chakali people farm a lot of yam.

## para

## paragɛ


**parata** (*var. of* **jarata**)


**pati** [pàtì] *v*. of a fowl flouncing around and fluttering after being slaughtered, or when it feels danger • à kɪ̀lɪ̀ɛ̀ káá túù à záál pátíó ʊ̀ bɪ̀rà zàà kààlɪ̀. When the eagle was coming down, the hen jumped up and down and the eagle flew away. à zákɔ́rɪgɪ ́ ɪ́̀ pátíjé à wà zʊ̀ʊ̀ nàsá pátʃɪgɪ ̄ ɪ̄.̄ The slaughtered fowl flapped the wings and came in between my legs.

patʃɪgɪɪsunno


## patʃɪgɪpʊmma

dominal cavity caused by advanced liver disease or cirrhosis.


**pelor** [pélòŕ] *n*. lamb.

**pembal** [pèmbál] *n*. ram.


**peopeo** (*var. of* **peupeu**)


# peuli

## peupeu

floor be wider. péúlí ɪ̀ɪ̀mɪ̃ã́ ́kúō ʊ́ ná kānà. Make your guinea corn farm much larger for you to get more.


**pɛnɪɪ** [pɛ́nɪɪ́]́ *n*. wide *ant:* **fɔrɪɪ** .


**pɛrɛga** (*var. of* **kokoluŋ**)

**pɛrɛkʊ̃**(*var. of* **parakun**)


## pɛtɪdɪndagal


**pikiete** [píkíétè] *n*. old yam field where the mounds are open and yams have been removed.


**pitieteo** [pítíétéò] *n*. Bearded barbet,

## pitieteo

## pitiiɲaŋa

type of bird (*Lybius dubius*). *pl.* **pitieteoso**.


**pɪɛsɪ** (*var. of* **pɪasɪ**)


## poŋpogo

lá. We used to compact our roof top by hitting repeatedly on its surface.


**pɪsa** [pɪ̀sá] *n*. grass mat. *pl.* **pɪsa**.


**pompo** (*var. of* **zɪnahɔ̃ʊ̃**)


## pɪŋa

poruso

**poruso** [pòrúsò] *n*. police. (ultm. English). *pl.* **porusoso**.


## pugo

pugo

> kéŋ̀? Why are you panting like this?

2**pugo** [pùgò] (*var.* **puguli**) *v*. to nurse seeds • hákúrí wàá pùgò tʃímmã̀ã́ bɪ̀ná háŋ̀. Hakuri will not nurse pepper seeds this year.

**puguli** (*var. of* **pugo**)


bár rá à wà púótí tɪ̀ɛ̀ à tɔ́ʊ́ nārā mūŋ̀. Zieng went to the meeting and came to report to the people of the community. **2** to confess witchcraft action • à báál púótìō dɪ́ wáá kpʊ́ à bìé. The man confessed that he killed the child.


## puuri

pʊtɪ

**pʊ** [pʊ́] *v*. to spit • pʊ́tà. Spit it out. ɪ̀ wàá kɪ̀n pʊ́mùŋtʊ̀ɔ̀sá ǹǹ dɪ̀à nɪ.̄You cannot spit in my room.

**pʊ̃ã** [pʊ̃ ̀ã̀] *v*. to be rotten • bóntí à nàmɪ̃ã̀ ́, àwɪɛ́ ́ lɛ́ɪ̀ ʊ̀ kàá pʊ̃ ̀ã̀. Share the meat, if not it will rot.

**pʊal** [pʊ́àl] *n*. liver. *pl.* **pʊalsa**.


**pʊmma** [pʊ̀mmá] *cf:* **fʊ̃ã** *cf:* **tʊla** *cf:* **peupeu** *n*. white • à bʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ná múŋ nā jáá ápʊ̀lʊ̀nsá. All the goats are white. bʊ́lɛ́ŋɪɪ́ ́jáá tʃàkàlpʊ̀lʊ̀nsá rá. People from Bulenga are white Chakali. pʊ̀mmà péùpéù. Very or pure white. jà kpágá gàpʊ̀mmá rá, ʊ̀ jáà tʊ́làʊ̄nɪŋ péópéó. ́We have a

white cloth, it is white, very white. *pl.* **pʊlʊnsa**.

**pʊna** (*var. of* **dandapʊsa**)


**pʊɔda** [pʊ́ɔ́dà] *n*. cosmetic powder. (ultm. English <powder).

**pʊɔga** [pʊ̀ɔ̀gá] *n*. hernia.


### saasɪ

# **r**

ra

**ra** [ra] (*var.* **re**, **ro**, **<sup>3</sup>na**, **ne**, **no**, **la**, **lo**, **le**, **<sup>1</sup>wo**) *foc*. focus particle • wòjò kpágá gɛ̀rɛ̀gá rá.Wojo has a sick-

**re** (*var. of* **ra**)

ness.

**ro** (*var. of* **ra**)

**rɔbagalan** [rɔ́bàgàlàn] *n*. large plastic bottle, reused oil container typi-

# **s**

**saa** [sàà] *v*. to prepare or cook, Gh. Eng. stir, porridge, or t.z. • sàà kʊ́ʊ́ já dí.Prepare t.z. so we can eat.

<sup>1</sup>**sãã** [sã̀ã́] *n*. axe. *pl.* **sããna**.


cally used for fuel. (ultm. English <rubber gallon).

**rɔbakatasa** [rɔ́bàkàtásà] *lit.* rubberbowl *cf:* **tasa** *n*. plastic bowl. (partly ultm. English <rubber).

**rɔbarɔba** [rɔ̀bàrɔ̀bà] *n*. light, plastic covered motorbike. (Waali <rɔbarɔba).


## sããtʃɔŋ

and shea • à bɪɪ́ ́ háŋ̀ wàá kɪ̀n sáásɪ́nʊ̃ ̄ʊ̃ ̄. This stone cannot grind to make paste.


**sal** [sàĺ] *n*. flat roof. *pl.* **salla**.

**saleŋgoŋo** [sàléŋgòŋò] *n*. type of praying mantis (*Mantidae*). *pl.* **saleŋgoŋoso**.

**salɪŋ** [sálɪŋ]́ *n*. gold. *pl.* **salɪma**.


**sambalkuso** [sámbálkùsò] *n*. type of grass (*Rottboellia cochinchinensis*). *pl.* **sambalkuso**.

## sansanna


**sanduso** (*var. of* **dɪgɪɪtuo**)


### sanzɪŋ


**saŋa lie** (*var. of* **saŋa weŋ**)


**saŋkpaŋzɪgɪl** [sáŋkpáŋzɪɣɪ ́ lː]́ *n*. beauty spot or mole. *pl.* **saŋkpaŋzɪgɪla**.


## selekpʊɪɪ

## selemente

taking place on the fourth day of a second funeral where animals are killed and meat is shared among relatives of the deceased.


<sup>1</sup>**sɛwa** [sɛ́wá] *v*. to write • nɪ̀kánáwàá kɪ̀n sɛ́wá. Many people cannot write. (ultm. Arabic <ṣafḥa 'paper').


**sie** [síé] *n*. face. *pl.* **siese**.


**sierebile** (*var. of* **sieribile**)

**sieribile** [sìérìbílé] *cf:* **kpããŋnɪɪ** (*var.* **sierebile**) *n*. water-yam. (Waali).

**sierie** [síéríé] *n*. witness. (ultm. Arabic <šahida).

**sigaari** [sìgáárì] *n*. cigarette. (ultm. English). *pl.* **sigaarise**.

# sigaari

### siipʊŋwile


**sigi** (*var. of* **sigu**)


**sigitaa** (*var. of* **sigu**)


**siibii** [sííbíí] *n*. eyeball. *pl.* **siibie**.

**siidaŋŋa** [síídáŋŋà] *cf:* **daŋŋɪ sie** *n*. entertainment.


**siinɪɪ** [síínɪɪ́]́ *n*. tear. *pl.* **siinɪɪta**.


## sige

## siitɪɪna


**siɲumme** (*var. of* **gbɛntagasɪ**)


dùùsìé. I'm anxious to go to Ducie. (Hausa <siri'ready').


### sɪarɪ

clouds have turned reddish. **2** to be ripe, e.g. paw-paw, pepper, mango, tomato, and sɪŋkpɪlɪɪ • tɪ̀ɛ̀ à tʃélíé sɪárɪ ́ .́Let the tomatoes be ripe.

1**sɪɛ** (*var. of* **sɪa**)

<sup>2</sup>**sɪɛ** [sɪ̀ɛ̀] (*var.* **nansɪɛlɪɪ**) *v*. for fresh meat, to have a substandard quality, with no blood content, a lightweight and watery • sèlgárɪgɪ ́ ɪ́ ́nàmɪ̃ã̀ ́ káá sɪ̀ɛ̀. The meat of sick animal has a substandard quality. à nàʊ̀námɪ̃ã̄̄sɪɛ́ ́wáʊ́. The cow meat has a substandard quality.

**sɪ̃ɛ̃**(*var. of* **sɪ̃ã**)


**sɪgpʊmma** [sɪ̀gə̆ ̀pʊ̀mmá] *n*. white bean.

**sɪgsɪama** [sɪ̀gə̆ ̀sɪ̀àmá] *n*. red bean.

**sɪgbummo** [sɪ̀gə̆ ̀búmmò] *n*. black bean.


**sɪɪmaadɪa** [sɪ̀ɪ̀máádɪ̀à] *n*. food storage room.

**sɪla** [sɪ̀là] *v*. to lay one's head on something •sɪ̀là kàpùtì nī. Lay your head on the pillow.


## sɪntʊgʊ

**sɪntʊgʊ** (*var. of* **tʊgɪ**)


### sɪra

### sɔkoro

ing because of his habit of chasing women.


## sɔkɔsɪɪ


<sup>2</sup>**sɔŋ** [sɔ́ŋ] *n*. name. *pl.* **sɔna**.

**sɔŋbɔŋ** [sɔ̀mbɔ́ŋ] *lit.* name-bad *n*. reputation • gáánà bìsé fɪ̀ láá sɔ̀ŋbɔ́ŋ nàgírìà nɪ, bà dʊ ̄ ́gʊ́nɪ́ bá tà. Ghanaians had a bad reputation in Nigeria, so they were deported.

**sɔŋgɪɛgɪɪ** [sɔ̀ŋgɪɛ́ ́gɪɪ́]́ *n*. nickname. *pl.* **sɔŋgɪɛgɪɛ**.

suguli


**sɔrɪɪ** [sɔ́rɪɪ́]́ *n*. type of frog.


# 

### sukuu


## sʊŋkpulii


**sʊanɪ** (*var. of* **sʊɔnɪ**)


**sʊ̃ɛ̃ɛ̃**(*var. of* **ʃʊ̃ɛ̃ɛ̃**)


**sʊl** [sʊ́l ̀ ː] *n*. *cf:* **sʊmmãã** *cf:* **sʊŋkpulii 1** African locust bean tree, Gh. Eng. dawadawa tree (*Parkia sp.*). **2** porridge made out of the locust bean. *pl.* **sʊlla**.


**sʊlsaʊ** [sɪ̀sáʊ̀] *n*. **1** dawadawa flour. **2** yellowish.


**sʊnlɔg** (*Mo. var. of* **sɪnlɔg**)

**sʊŋkpulii** [sʊ́ŋkpúlíí] *cf:* **sʊl** *n*. flower of the dawadawa tree. *pl.* **sʊŋkpulee**.

150

### sʊagɪ

sʊɔla

**sʊɔla** [sʊ̀ɔ̀lá] *n*. locally woven cotton cloth. *pl.* **sʊɔlasa**.


us behind.

**sʊʊ** [sʊ́ʊ́] (*var.* **<sup>1</sup> sʊ̃ʊ̃**) **1** *n*. front *ant:* **<sup>1</sup>gantal<sup>1</sup>** . **2** *n*. precedent • ǹ̩sʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́tʊ́- mà jáá bàlɪ̀ɛ̀wā. I have two siblings older than me. **3** *reln*. front • wáá tʃʊ̀à à fàlá sʊ̄ʊ̄nɪ.̄It lies at the front of the calabash. *pl.* **sʊʊsa**.

<sup>1</sup>**sʊ̃ʊ̃**(*var. of* **sʊʊ**)


ʃʊ̃ɛ̃ɛ̃

### talɪmɪ

# **t**

ta


spin into a thread • ʊ̀ kàá tààrɪ̀à gùnó ró.She will spin the cotton.


tama

> dɪ̀tálɪmɪ ́ ̀. I hit a snake with a stick, it was lying and moving with difficulty.


**taŋ** (*cntrvar.* **tama**)


rà, káá jāā nɪ̀ŋ? From where are you getting your support to be boasting like this? **2** to stand firmly on feet. (Waali <tarɛ).


**tawa** [tàwà]*cf:* **tɔsɪ** (*var.* **<sup>1</sup> tɔwa**) *v*. to

tawa

inject, to prick or pierce slightly • wàá tāwā à hèmbíí, ǹ̩ ɔ́mɔ̃ ̀ʊ̃ ̄. I will not take the injection, it scares me.

ǹ̩

te


**tempilie** [témpílìé] *cf:* **tuolie** *n*. type of cooking pot. [*Gu*].


**teo** (*var. of* **tou**)


teu

### teukaŋ


**tɛhɛ̃ɛ̃**(*var. of* **tɛhɪ̃ɛ̃**)


rites. súmméŋ tìgìsì kpòŋkpòŋpàtʃɪgá háŋ ́ ̀. Help me to group and arrange these cassava leaves.


## tiiɲuu


**tile** [tìlé] *n*. forehead. *pl.* **tilese**.


**tindaana** [tìndāānā] *cf:* **tɔʊtɪɪna** *n*. landlord. (Waali).


**tiŋ** [tíŋ] *n*. spear. *pl.* **time**.

**tisie** [tìsìé] *cf:* **kʊzaa** *n*. woven basket with guinea corn stalks. [*Ka, Ti, Tu*].

**titʃa** (*var. of* **tʃitʃa**)

**tiwii** [tìwíí] *cf:* **munii** *n*. road. *pl.* **tiwie**.

**tiwiibaŋlɛŋgeregie** [tìwííbāŋlɛŋgèrè ̄ gíè] *n*. type of lizard. *pl.* **tiwiibaŋlɛŋgeregise**.

**tiwiitʃaraga** [tìwíítʃárắgà] *n*. junction. *pl.* **tiwiitʃaragasa**.


### tɪɛkpagar


**tɪɛsɪɛ** [tɪɛ́ ́sɪɛ́ ̀] *n*. vomit.


bread, the woman just gave me a little. m̩ ̀ búúrè ɪ̀nʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́tɪn nā tɪ ́ láá kéŋ ́ ̀. I need just a bit of your cream.


woke the wife up early.


**tɪrɪmɪ** (*var. of* **tɪgɪmɪ**)


**togo** [tógò] *n*. smock with sleeves.


**toŋini** (*var. of* **toguni**)


## totii

## tɔhɪ̃ɛ̃


dence over others. *pl.* **tɔhɪ̃ɛ̃ta**.

<sup>2</sup>**tɔhɪ̃ɛ̃**[tɔ́hɪ̃ɛ́ ̃ ̀] *n*. midnight.


**tɔŋ** [tɔ́ŋ] *n*. *cf:* **kadaasɪ** *cf:* **piipa 1** animal skin. **2** book. **3** paper. *pl.* **tɔna**.

<sup>1</sup>**tɔŋa** [tɔ̀ŋã̀]*cf:* **saga; tʃʊa; suguli** *v*. to cook food in water, to boil • à nã̀ntɔ̀ŋɪɪ́̀kánã́ʊ̃ ́. The boiled meat is abundant. tɔ̀ŋà kpã́ã́ŋ já dí. Cook yam so we can eat.


### tɔtʊɔsa

tʃímã̀ã́ kàá tɔ̀tʊ̀ʊ̄. Wait two weeks, your pepper will sprout.


member. *pl.* **tɔʊpʊalsa**

**tɔʊsaʊ** [tɔ̀ʊ̀sàʊ́] *n*. powdered tobacco, snuff.

.


## tugosi

tugul


**tuntuolii** (*var. of* **tintuolii**);

**tuntuolisɪama** [túntùòlísɪ̀àmá] (*var.* **tutukʊɔkʊɔ**) *n*. Red-billed hornbill, type of bird (*Tockus sp.*).

1**tuo** [túò] *n*. shooting bow. *pl.* **toso**.


**tuosi** [tùòsì] *v*. **1** to add an amount or items after a deal is closed • à jàwàdírè wā jáà túósì kɪnmùŋ. ́ The sellers never add any amount or items. **2** to pick or take fast • tʃɔ́ kà tùòsì mòlèbìé wàà. Run and go pick the money and come back.


tuto tutosii

**tutosii** [tùtūsíí] *n*. centre of a mortar, around the smallest concentric ring.

**tutukʊɔkʊɔ** (*var. of* **tuntuolisɪama**)


**tũũbii** [tũ̀ũ̀bíí] *n*. bee. *pl.* **tũũbie**.

**tuur** (*var. of* **haglɪkɪŋ**)


**tʊa** [tʊ̀ɔ̀] *v*. **1** to deny • ʊ̀ tʊ́ɔ́ ɪ̀ɪ̀ wɪŋmáhã ́ ́ tɪ̀n nā. He denied your words. ʊ̀ʊ̀ ɲɪná pɪ ́ ɛ́ ́sʊ́ʊ̄dɪ́ʊ̀ wà káálɪ́kùó, ʊ̀ tʊ̀à nʊ̃ ̀ã́. His father asked him whether he went to the farm, he denied having been there. ʊ̀ ŋmã́jã̀ʊ̃ ̄kāā tʊ̀à. She is talking and denying. ǹ̩ ŋmá hákúríí ŋmɪ̃ɛ́ ̃ ́ m̩ ̀m̩ ̀ mòlèbíí, ʊ̀ tʊ̀ɔ̀ I said Hakuri stole my money and she denied. **2** to argue • hàmɔ́nà ànɪ́nɪhɪ ́ ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ̀sá wàá kɪ̀n tʊ̀ɔ̀ dɔ́ŋà. Children and elders cannot argue.


## tʊma

### tʊmbar

Ducie.

**tʊmbar** [tʊ́mbár] *n*. location where one usually works. *pl.* **tʊmbara**.

**tʊntʃʊma** [tʊ̀ntʃʊ̀má] *n*. work badly done. *pl.* **tʊntʃʊnsa**.

**tʊ̃ɔ̃**(*var. of* **tʊ̃ã**)

**tʊɔlɛɛ** [tʊ̀ɔ̀lɛ́ɛ̀] *n*. **1** person who loses at a game, competition, or challenge • dʒèbùní jáá tʊ̀ɔ̀lɛ́ɛ̀ à kùò bápàrɪɪ́ ́nɪ̀. Jebuni was the loser at the farm work. **2** weak person • súgló wáá kɪnà lʊ ́ ́gà, ʊ̀ jáá tʊ̀ɔ̀lɛ́ɛ́rā. Suglo cannot wrestle because he is a weak person.

**tʊɔnɪ** [tʊ́ɔ́nɪ]́ *v*. to stretch • gʊ̀mátɪɪ́-́ ná wàá kɪ̀n tʊ́ɔ́nɪ.́ A hunchback person cannot stretch.

**tʊɔnɪ̃ã** [tʊ̀ɔ́nɪã́ ̀] *n*. type of genet (*Genetta spp*). *pl.* **tʊɔnsa**.

**tʊɔnɪɪ** [tʊ̀ɔ́nɪɪ́]́ *n*. act of stretching.

**tʊɔra** [tʊ́ɔ́rà] *n*. trouble, problem *syn:* **nʊnnʊŋ<sup>3</sup>** . *pl.* **tʊɔrasa**.

**tʊɔsaa** [tʊ̀ɔ̀sáá] *nprop*. Tuosa village.

**tʊɔsaal** [tʊ̀ɔ̀sáál] *n*. person from Tuosa. *pl.* **tʊɔsaala**.

**tʊɔsaalɪɪ** [tʊ̀ɔ̀sáálɪɪ́]́ *n*. lect of Tuosa. **tʊrɪ** [tʊ́rɪ̀] *cf:* **tʃi** *v*. really, certainly: verbal which puts emphasis on the

# **tʃ**

**tʃa** [tʃá] (*var.* **tʃɛ**) *v*. to remain, to be left over, to be stranded, to dwell • ʊ̀ fɪ̀ɪ̀wíò à tʃá tàmá ká ʊ́sʊ́wà, nɪŋ́ wā ʊ̀ kpégéó.He was very ill and event, the event is a priority for the speaker and must happen • ǹ̩ tʊ́rɪ̀kàá tùgíí rē.I will beat you. [*Mo*].


**tʊʊnɪ** (*var. of* **zʊʊnɪ**)

**tʊʊrɪ** [tʊ̀ʊ̀rɪ̀] *v*. to tighten, to draw close • tʊ̀ʊ̀rɪ̀à ŋmɛ́ŋ̀ dʊ́ à píésí bāgɛ-̄ nā nɪ, ʊ̄ ̀ tɔ́gɔ́lɪjáʊ ́ ́. Tighten the rope on the sheep's neck, it is loose.

almost died, but now he is well.

**tʃãã** [tʃã́ã́] *n*. broom *synt:* **kɪmpɪɪgɪɪ** . [*Du*]. *pl.* **tʃããna**.

tʃaagɪ


**tʃaasaɲɪŋ** [tʃáásáɲɪŋ]́ *n*. tooth of a comb. *pl.* **tʃaasaɲɪŋa**.


**tʃabarɪga** [tʃàbárɪgà] ́ *n*. wickedness.


# tʃaga

166

# tʃaga


**tʃagtʃag** [tʃáɣə́tʃák] *n*. tattoo. *pl.*

# **tʃagtʃagsa**

.


## tʃaŋsɪ

tʃaŋsɪ

> sɪ̀ bɔ́ɔ̀l à jùò tɪɛ́ ́ŋ. Catch the ball and throw it to me. à bìé tʃáŋsɪ́làà mòlèbíí ànɪ́gírímé ní. The child received the money with respect.


# **tʃaŋtʃɪɛŋ** (*var. of* **tʃaaŋtʃɪɪŋ**)

**tʃaŋtʃul** [tʃàŋtʃúl] *n*. absorbent cloth material used as diaper *syn:* **tambʊ** . *pl.* **tʃaŋtʃulo**.


2**tʃara** (*var. of* **tʃɛra**)

**tʃaratʃara** [tʃàràtʃàrà] (*var.* **tʃatʃara**) *ideo*. visual pattern of a heterogeneous design, like in the description of fabric or animal skin • bɔ̀sá dʊ́ tʃàràtʃàrà. The snake has a certain skin pattern. *pl.* **tʃaratʃarasa**.

**tʃarɛɛ** [tʃàrɛ́ɛ̀] *n*. Western Wattled Cuckoo-Shrike, type of bird (*Lobotos lobatus*). *pl.* **tʃarɛɛsa**.


**tʃatɪ** [tʃátɪ̀] *n*. type of guinea corn. *pl.* **tʃatɪ**.

**tʃatʃara** (*var. of* **tʃaratʃara**)


## tʃaʊ

## tʃawa

**tʃawa** (*var. of* **tʃɛwa**)

**tʃel** [tʃél̀] *n*. tree gum. *pl.* **tʃel**.


**tʃelesi nɪɪ** (*var. of* **tʃele nɪɪ**)


**tʃemĩĩ** (*Gu. var. of* **temĩĩ**)


**tʃeti** (*var. of* **keti**)


**tʃewii** [tʃéwíí] *n*. dowry. *pl.* **tʃewie**. **tʃɛ** (*var. of* **tʃa**)

**tʃɛɛtʃɪ** [tʃɛ́ɛ́tʃɪ̀] *n*. church. (ultm. English).

**tʃɛɛtʃɪbie** [tʃɛ́ɛ́tʃɪ̀bìé] *n*. Christian.


**tʃɛlɪsɪ** (*var. of* **tʃalasɪ**)

**tʃɛma** [tʃɛ̀mà] (*var.* **tʃama**) *v*. to stir and mash flour and water with hands to make a solid substance, Gh. Eng. smash • ʊ̀ tʃámá sʊ́l là. She smashed the dawadawa powder. làà kʊ́l tʃɛ̀mà, já nʊ̃ ̄ã̀. Take this t.z. and mash it so we can eat.

**tʃɛna** [tʃɛ̀ná] *n*. friend. *pl.* **tʃɛnsa**.

## tʃɛna

## tʃɛnɪtʃɛnɪ

**tʃɛnɪtʃɛnɪ** [tʃɛ̀nɪ̀tʃɛ̀nɪ̀] *ideo*. type of visual percept • nàʊ̀námɪ̃ã̄̄nʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ dʊ́ tʃɛ̀nɪ̀tʃɛ̀nɪ̀. The cow fat is brownishyellow.

<sup>1</sup>**tʃɛra** [tʃɛ́rá] *n*. waist. *pl.* **tʃɛrasa**.


1**tʃi** [tʃí] *v*. to spit through the upper incisors • tʃí mùŋtʊ̀ɔ̀sá ń̩ ná. Spit saliva for me to see.

# tʃiirikalɛŋgbʊgʊtɪ

2**tʃi** [tʃí] *cf:* **tʊrɪ** *v*. really, certainly, verbal which puts emphasis on the event, the event is a priority for the speaker and must happen • ǹ̩ kàá bàn tʃí tùgíí rē. I will really beat you. ŋ̩ ̀ ŋmá wɪ̀ɛ́ dɪ̀ tɪɛ́ ̀ à bìè ré, ká ʊ̀ wà tʃíjē dɪ̀ nʊ́ʊ̀. I am talking to the child but he really does not want to listen. ǹ̩ kàá tʃí kààlʊ̀ʊ̄. I will definitely go. kàlá kàá tʃí wàà báàn nā. Kala will certainly come here.

**tʃiesii** (*var. of* **kiesii**)

**tʃig** [tʃíg] *n*. fishing trap. *pl.* **tʃige**.


**tʃii** (*var. of* **kii**)

**tʃiime** [tʃììmé] *n*. headgear, scarf, or cloth used to cover the head of a woman • ʊ̀ vɔ́ʊ́tʃììmé ré. She wears a headscarf. *pl.* **tʃiinse**.

**tʃiini** (*var. of* **kiini**)

**tʃiir** [tʃììŕ] *cf:* **kii** (*var.* **kiir**) *n*. taboo, traditionalism. *pl.* **tʃiite**.

**tʃiirikalɛŋgbʊgʊtɪ** (*Gu. var. of* **kalɛŋgbʊgʊtɪ**)

## tʃimmãã


## tʃɪɛmɪ

## tʃokpore


## tʃɪɛŋɪ

172

## tʃonsi


**tʃɔgdʊ** [tʃɔ̀ɣədʊ́] *n*. rotten meat. *pl.* **tʃɔgdʊsa**.


# tʃɔkɔŋa

## tʃɔɲuzeŋ

## **tʃɔɲuzeŋ** (*var. of* **tʃɔbul**)

## **tʃɔpɪsɪ** (*var. of* **tʃʊɔsɪn pɪsa**)


**tʃumo** [tʃùmò] *cf:* **furusi** *v*. to take large sips, large quantities at once • hákúrí tʃúmó à kùbíí múŋ̀. Hakuri drank all the porridge in large sips.


## tʃutʃug

## tʃuur


## tʃʊʊsɪ

## u

# **u**

# **u** (*var. of* **ʊ**)


# **ʊ**

**ʊ** [ʊ] (*var.* **uu**, **ʊʊ**, **u**) *pro*. third person singular pronoun • ʊ́ʊ́tʊ́mà kódì já túgúú. Either he works or we beat him.

**ʊɔlɪ** (*var. of* **ɔɔlɪ**)

**ʊtɪ** [ʔʊ̀tɪ̀] *v*. to knead by folding, mix-

# **v**

**vaa** [váà] *n*. dog *synt:* **<sup>1</sup>nʊ̃ãtɪɪna** . *pl.* **vasa**.

síé káá úgúlūū. The yam shoots are coming out.

vãã

**ul** [ʔúl] *n*. navel. *pl.* **ulo**.


ing and working into a mass, especially fufu • ʊ̀tɪ̀à kàpálà já dí. Knead the fufu so we can eat.

**ʊʊ** (*var. of* **ʊ**)

**ʊʊwa** [ʊ́ʊ́wà] *pro*. third person singular emphatic pronoun.

**vãã** [vã̀ã̀] *v*. to be beyond one's power • ásɪ̀bɪtɪ́ ̀ kàntʃɪ̀má vã́ã́ ǹǹ fɔ̀ŋá nɪ́rā. The hospital bill is beyond my capacity.


**vagan** [vágáŋ] *n*. rabies.

**vala** [vàlà] *v*. to walk, to travel • nɪ̀hã́ã́ná válá kààlɪ̀ sɔ̀glá lúhò. Women walked to the funeral in Sawla.

**valor** [válòŕ] *n*. female puppy.


**vatɪ̃ʊ̃**(*var. of* **batɪ̃ʊ̃**)


**vawie** [váwìé] *n*. puppy. *pl.* **vawise**.


**vɛtɪɪ** [vɛ̀tɪɪ́̀] *n*. mud. *pl.* **vɛtɪɪ**.

**vige** [vìgè] *v*. to skim out, to move or push away obstacles • vìgè nɪɪ́dóŋó ́

tá, ká dʊ̀ɔ̀. Skim the debris from the water and draw some out. bákúríí vígé à bìsé tā. Bakuri pushed the children away in order to pass.

vɪɛ


**vɪa** (*var. of* **vɪɛ**)

**vɪɛ** [vɪ̀ɛ̀] *v*. (*var.* **vɪa**) **1** to refuse, to reject, to neglect • bà vɪɛ́ ́ dɪ́ bá

### vɪɛhɪɛga

wá tʊ̀mà jà tʊ̄mā. They refused to come to do our work. **2** to abandon • à hã́ã́ŋ vɪɛ́ ́ùù bìsé tà. The woman abandoned her children.


buttock with his foot. làà táájà vɪ̀rà zímbíè tɪɛ̄ŋ. ̄ Take the catapult and shoot the bird for me.


### vʊvʊta

the tree. **2** to braid • nɪ̀hã́ã́nâ vɔ́tɪ́ bà ɲúú nō. The women braid their hair.


pion bit me yesterday.


### wa

# **w**


3**wa** (*cntrvar.* **wara**)

1**waa** [wàá] *nprop*. Wa town.


5**waa** (*var. of* wa)


**waapɛlɛ** [wààpɛ́lɛ̀] *nprop*. former settlement between Ducie and Katua.


**war** [wàŕ] *n*. cold weather.


## wasɪ

## watʃɛhɛɛ


**wiile** (*var. of* **wilie**)


### wɪtʃelii


carried out • sɪ̀ɪ̀mákʊ́ɔ́rɪɪ́ ́ jáá hã́ã́ŋ wɪjáálɪ ́ ɪ̄̄rà. Food preparation is a woman duty.

**wɪjalɪɪ** (*var. of* **tiimuŋ**)


**wɪlʊʊ** (*var. of* **wɪlɪʊ**)


## wɪzaama

**wɪzaama** (*var. of* **jarɪɛ**)

**wɪzɪmɪɪ** (*var. of* **naŋzɪnna**)

**wɪzʊʊr** [wɪ̀zʊ́ʊ́r] *n*. interruptive person. *pl.* **wɪzʊʊra**.

1**wo** (*var. of* **ra**)


**wondʒomo** [wòndʒómò] *n*. person who performs male circumcision. (Hausa, ultm. Arabic <wanzaami).


## wɔsalɛɛla

**wou** [wóù] *n*. second yam harvest. *pl.* **woto**.

**wɔ** (*var. of* **wɪ-**)

**wɔgadɪ** [wɔ́ɣádɪ̀] *n*. time. (Hausa, ultm. Arabic <wokaci).

**wɔlɛɛ** [wɔ́lɛ́ɛ̀] *n*. type of fish. *pl.* **wɔlɛsa**.


### wɔsasiile


**wɔsɪkii** (*var. of* **wɔsatʃii**)


**wɔtʃɪmãɪ̃** [wɔ̀tʃɪ̀mã̀ɪ̃]́ *n*. security

guard. (ultm. English <watchman). *pl.* **wɔtʃɪmãɪ̃sa**.


**wʊ-** (*var. of* **wɪ-**)

**wʊhãã** [wʊ̀hã̀ã́] *lit.* sun-bitter *n*. afternoon, approx. between 12 p.m. and 3 p.m..

**wʊjalɪɪ** [wʊ̀jàlɪɪ́̀] *n*. east.


**wʊtʃelii** [wʊ̀tʃélíí] *n*. west.


# wʊzanɪhɪ̃ɛ̃

wʊzʊʊrɪ

**wʊzʊʊrɪ** [wʊ̀zʊ́ʊ́rɪ̀] *n*. day • wʊ̀zʊ́ʊ́rɪ̀ wèŋ́ lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀ káá wàà? On which day comes the car? à wʊ̀zʊ́ʊ́rɪ̀ ǹ̩ wàà tùwò nɪ.̄That day I was not

# **z**


**zaaŋgbɛrɪ** (*var. of* **kuudɪgɪnsa**)


**zaasɪ** [zààsɪ̀] *pl.v*. to jump • sɔ́mpɔ̀rɛ̀sáá záásɪ́à wāā.The frogs are

there. wʊ̀zʊ́ʊ́rɪ̀ wèŋ́ ɪ̀ kà lɪ̀ɪ̀ dùsèē wàà wàá? On what day did you leave Ducie to come to Wa?

jumping towards us.


## zagalɪ

zagalɪ


## zapɛga

zapuo

> the house to catch a fowl. *pl.* **zapɛgasa**.


**zenii** [zéníì] *n*. big. *pl.* **zenie**.


**zɪ̃ã** (*var. of* **zɪ̃ɛ̃**)


**zɪgɪtɪ** [zɪ̀gɪ̀tɪ̀] *v*. to learn, to study • bà

zɪgɪtɪ

## zɪŋbanɪɪ

pé nɪ̀jà zɪ̀gɪ̀tɪ̀nààsàrtàá. We learned English from them.


**zɪlaŋ** (*Mo. var. of* **zaaŋ**)

**zɪlɪmbɪl** [zɪ̀lɪ̀mbɪ̀l] *n*. describe how an item or a person is covered or smeared with matter • à fɛ̀gá mɪntɪ ́ ́kʊ́ʊ́ zɪ̀lɪ̀mbɪ̀l lā. The stirring stick is covered with t.z.

**zɪlɪŋtʊɔnʊ̃ã** (*var. of* **zoloŋtɔnʊ̃ã**)


*n*. discreet person, someone who can keep secrets • kàlá wá jāā zɪ̀ŋkpàgànʊ̃ ̀ã̀tɪɪ́ná. ́ Kala is not a discreet person.

**zɪmna** [zɪmə ́ ̆ ́ná] (*var.* **zɪmatɪɪna**) *n*. knowledgeable, professional. *pl.* **zɪmnasa**.

**zɪn** (*var. of* **zɪna**)


**zɪnzapuree** [zànzàpúrèè] *cf:* **dandafulee** (*var.* **zɪnzɪnpulie**) *n*. house bat. *pl.* **zɪnzapuruso**.

**zɪnzɪnpulie** (*var. of* **zɪnzapuree**)

1**zɪŋ** (*var. of* **zɪma**)


188


1**zugo** (*var. of* **duu**)


### zuu

## zʊʊnɪ

share • ɪ totii jaa zuu. Your share is the biggest share.

**zʊa** (*var. of* **ulzʊa**)


**zʊ̃ɔ̃**(*var. of* **zʊ̃ã**)


**3** to join, to cooperate • nɪ̀tàmá káá zʊ́ʊ̄kʊ́ɔ́lɪɪ́ ́làgálàgá háŋ̀. Few people join the shrine Kuolii these days. já zʊ́ʊ́ dɔ̄ŋà à pɛ̀ŋɪ̀ bɪ̀nà háŋ̀. Let us cooperate and do the first weeding this year.


**zʊʊl** [zʊ́ʊ́l] *n*. tuber. *pl.* **zʊʊla**.

**zʊʊnɪ** [zʊ̀ʊ̀nɪ̀] (*var.* **tʊʊnɪ**) *v*. to pout, to protrude the lips in an expression of displeasure • à sùkúù bìsé wàá kɪ̀n zʊ̀ʊ̀nɪ̀ nʊ̃ ̀ã́ dʊ́ tʃítʃà nɪ.̄ The students cannot pout at a teacher. tɪ́ tʊ́ʊ́nɪ́ ɪ̀ɪ̀ nʊ̃ ̀ã́ dʊ́ ǹ̩ nɪ̄kéŋ̀. Do not protrude your mouth at me like that.

# **Part III**

# **English-Chakali reversal index**

## aardvark

# **a**

**aardvark** nanbugo *n*. **abandon** ta<sup>1</sup> *v*.; vɪɛ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **abdomen** patʃɪgɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **able** kɪn *v*.; kpege<sup>2</sup> *v*. **abound** gaali<sup>2</sup> *v*. **abrasion (branch)** daasiiga<sup>1</sup> *n*. **abruptly (do)** vaarɪ *v*. **abscess** tʃamɪnɪã̃ *pl.n*. **absolutely not** fio *ideo*. **abstract entity** wɪ**abundant** kana *v*. **abused (person)** ɲudoŋ *n*. **Accra** akraa *nprop*. **ache** wusi *v*. **Achilles tendon** nããpol *n*. **acquire wealth** buure<sup>2</sup> *v*. **acre** eeka *n*. **across (be)** kaga *v*. **act proudly** dʒɪgɪsɪ *v*. **active** nʊma<sup>2</sup> *v*.; weti<sup>2</sup> *v*. **add** pɛ *v*.; tuosi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **add (condiment)** gbaanɪ *v*. **added amount** tuosii *n*.; tuoso *n*. **additional** vɪɛŋ *pv*. **adhere** mara<sup>1</sup> *v*.; maragɪ *pl.v*. **adhere to a religion** dʊa<sup>2</sup> *v*. **adjacent (be)** kpara *v*. **adjust** gbɪasɪ<sup>1</sup> *pl.v*. **adjuster** kalɛŋbileŋẽẽ *n*. **adopt** laa dʊ *cpx.v*.

**adopted child** sanlarɛ *n*. **adultery (to commit)** sama *v*. **adze** sããtʃɔŋ *n*. **afraid (be)** ɔma *v*. **African** nɪbubummo *n*. **after** zɪ<sup>2</sup> *adv*. **afternoon** wʊhãã *n*. **again** bɪ *itr*. **age** hɪɛ̃̃*v*. **age mate** sʊawalɪɪ *n*. **age mate (relation)** sʊa *n*. **agitation** nʊnnʊŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **agree** nʊ̃ã dɪgɪmaŋa *v*. **agree (to leave)** ta dɔŋa *v*. **agree with** laa<sup>4</sup> *v*. **AIDS** eesi *n*. **aim at** fɪɪlɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; pɔ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **airplane** oluplen *n*.; oripere *n*. **Akee tree** tii *n*. **albino** gbambala *n*. **alcoholic drink** pataasɪ *n*.; sɪŋ *n*. **alcoholism** sɪŋɲʊhã *n*. **alert** pʊtɪ *v*. **alight (become)** bũũ *v*. **all** muŋ *quant*. **all (hum+)** bamuŋ *quant*. **all (hum-)** amuŋ *quant*. **alleviate** fɔgɔsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **alley** fɔgbaaŋ *n*. **allow** gɪla<sup>1</sup> *v*.

#### assist in crossing water

## alms

**alms** sɛrɛka *n*. **alone** teŋteŋ *n*. **already** baaŋ *pv*.; foo<sup>3</sup> *v*.; maasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **also** gba *quant*. **always** taarʊ *n*. **amaranths (vegetable)** alɛɛfʊ *n*. **ammunition pouch** tɔg *n*. **amount** ŋmɛna<sup>2</sup> *n*.; zuu *n*. **ancestor** faal *n*.; lalɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **ancestors (line)** lɛl *n*. **ancient** faa *n*. **and** a *conn*.; aka *conn*.; anɪ<sup>1</sup> *conn*.; ka<sup>1</sup> *conn*. **anger** baaŋ *n*.; ɲagɪ *n*. **angry (be)** waasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **animal** sel *n*. **animal skin** tɔŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **ankle** nããsii *n*.; nããtʃʊg *n*. **ankle-rattles (pair)** tʃɪɪ̃ŋ̃ *n*. **announce** hẽsi *v*. **announcer** hẽhẽse *n*. **annoyed (be)** hããsii<sup>2</sup> *n*. **answer** laa<sup>3</sup> *v*. **ant (type of)** daaɲuukpoŋkpolo *n*.; gogo *n*.; gogosɪama *n*.; guurii *n*.; haglɪbie *n*.; haglɪbisɪansa *n*.; mɪnɪã̃ *n*.; solibie *n*.; temĩĩ *n*.; tii *n*. **antelope (type of)** ãã *n*.; kuo *n*.; wieme *n*.; zʊ̃ã *n*. **anus** muŋputii *n*. **anxious** siri *n*. **anyone** namuŋ *quant*. **anything** wɪmuŋ *quant*.

**appear** gaŋɪ *v*. **appearance** sii *n*. **append** mara<sup>1</sup> *v*. **appendicitis** momuŋ *n*. **appetite** hɪɛ̃̃ra *n*. **apply** tɪtɪ *v*. **argue** tʊa<sup>2</sup> *v*. **argument** hakɪla *n*. **arm** neŋ *n*. **arm joint** nekpun *n*. **arm ring** kana *n*. **armpit** lugbʊa *n*. **armpit hair** lugbʊapuŋ *n*. **arrange** dʊasɪ *pl.v*.; tʃɔgsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; vʊʊrɪ *v*. **arrow** hɛ̃ŋ *n*. **arthritis** gaŋabulo *n*. **articulated vehicle** lɔɔlɪmunzʊalunzʊa *n*. **as** kii<sup>1</sup> *conn*.; kii<sup>2</sup> *v*. **as well** ko *adv*. **ascaris** ɲɪɲaŋ *n*. **ascite** patʃɪgɪɪsunno *n*. **ash** fuful *n*.; tapulsa *n*. **ash (type of)** fʊ̃ã *n*. **Ashanti (person)** kɔmbɔŋa *n*. **ask** pɪasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **ask (for forgiveness)** dibi *v*. **asking (farm help)** parɪsumii *n*. **asleep** duo *n*. **asphalt** kotaal *n*. **assassin bug** hamɔnanãʊ̃*n*. **assemble** sɪra<sup>1</sup> *v*. **assist in crossing water** duori *v*.

## asthma

**asthma** hĩẽsipugo *n*. **at (be)** dʊa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **at all times** taarʊ *n*. **atlas vertebra** bagɛnsorii *n*. **attach** mɪna<sup>1</sup> *v*.; vɔwa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **attempt to catch** gbarmɪ *v*.

# **b**

**baboon** fɔ̃ʊ̃*n*. **baby** bifʊla *n*. **bachelor** buzoŋ *n*. **back** gantal<sup>1</sup> *n*.; gantal<sup>3</sup> *reln*.; habʊɔ *n*. **back (part of)** kaŋa<sup>1</sup> *n*.; kaŋa<sup>2</sup> *n*. **back area** lumo *n*. **backtalk** gantal lɔha *n*. **backtalking** lɔgantal *n*. **backwards** bɪra *v*. **bad** bɔŋ *n*.; hɪɪ̃̃*interj*.; tʃʊma<sup>1</sup> *v*. **bad (be)** bɔma<sup>1</sup> *v*. **bad (person)** nɪbubɔŋ *n*. **Badiga (person's name)** badɪga *nprop*. **bag** bʊɔtɪa<sup>1</sup> *n*.; pur *n*. **bag (type of)** lɔga<sup>1</sup> *n*. **Bakuri (person's name)** bakuri *nprop*. **balance** deŋsi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **bald headed** ɲukpaltɪɪna *n*. **baldness** kpalɪgɛ *n*.; ɲukpal *n*. **ball** bɔl *n*. **ball (dawadawa)** sʊmmãã *n*.

**attitude** dʊnna *n*.; dʒogo *n*.

**avoid (spill)** mʊra *v*.

**Awie (person's name)** abie *nprop*.; awie *nprop*.

**axe** sãã *n*.

**ball (groundnut)** kpulikpulii *n*. **ball (pumpkin seed paste)** kantʃaŋgulumo *n*. **ball (shea butter)** nʊ̃ʊ̃lɔgɔsɪɪ *n*. **ball of the thumb** nebikaŋkawalnanpunii *n*. **balloon** baluu *n*. **bambara bean** sibii *n*. **bambara bean (fried)** sibihalɪɪ *n*. **bamboo** sɪma *n*. **banana** kuodu *n*. **baobab seed** tolibii *n*. **baobab tree** tolii *n*. **bark** daapɛtɪɪ *n*.; wosi *v*. **barrel** aŋkʊrɔ *n*. **barrel (gun)** maafatuo *n*. **barren** hambara *n*. **barren (be)** fire *v*. **barter** tʃɛra *v*. **base** muŋ<sup>3</sup> *reln*.; sontogo *n*. **Basig (person's name)** basɪg *nprop*. **basin** katasazeŋ *n*.; tasazeŋ *n*. **basket (type of)** kʊzaa *n*.; tisie *n*.; tʃaga *n*.

**bat (type of)** dandafulee *n*.; fɪlɪŋfɪntɪɪ *n*.; zɪnzapuree *n*.; zɪŋ *n*. **bath** sɔ *v*. **bathroom** tʃɛtʃɛra *n*.; tʃitʃara *n*. **baton (gun)** maafamundaapɪã̃ *n*. **battery** baatrɪbɪɪ *n*. **Bayong (person's name)** bajoŋ *nprop*. **be** dʊ<sup>3</sup> *v*.; jaa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **be about** ɲaŋŋɪ *v*. **be on** saga<sup>1</sup> *v*. **beach** mʊgnʊ̃ã *n*. **beadless (be)** sɪŋkpal *n*. **beam (wood)** daaluhii *n*. **bean (black)** sɪgbummo *n*. **bean (type of)** gbɛna *n*.; sɪggoŋgo *n*. **bean (white)** sɪgpʊmma *n*. **bean cake** kansii *n*. **bear (foetus)** lʊla *v*. **bear fruit** nɔna *v*. **beard** dandapʊsa *n*. **bearing device (type of)** garɪŋzaŋɛɛ *n*. **bearing tray** dʒaaŋãã *n*. **beat** maŋa<sup>1</sup> *v*.; masɪ *pl.v*.; tugo<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tugosi *pl.v*. **become** wa *pv*. **bee** tũũbii *n*. **beetle (type of)** bɪnbilinsi *n*.; mɪãbɪwaʊ ̃ *n*.; nɪɪɲuugbaŋgbulii *n*. **beetle grub** zakʊʊl *n*. **before** mʊ̃ã *adv*. **beg** sʊlɪmɪ *v*.; sʊmmɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*.

**beggar** susumma *n*. **behaviour** dʊnna *n*.; wɪkpagɪɪ *n*. **behaviour (type of)** mɔta *n*.; ɲɛgɛkɛ *n*. **behind** gantal<sup>3</sup> *reln*. **believe** laa di *cpx.v*. **bell (finger)** prɛga *n*. **bell (type of)** daworo *n*.; gbeliŋe *n*. **belly** patʃɪgɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **belt** bɛlɛntɪ *n*. **bench** kor *n*. **bend** goro<sup>1</sup> *v*. **bend back** hele *v*. **bend down** bʊŋa *v*.; fɛla *v*. **bend outward** gɔrɪgɪ *v*. **bend over** gaali<sup>1</sup> *v*. **betray** mɪɪ̃nɪ ̃ *v*. **better (be)** bɔ *v*. **between (be)** faarɪ *v*. **beyond (be)** vãã *v*. **Bible** baabʊl *n*. **biceps** nekpɛgɪɪ *n*. **bicycle** saakɪr *n*. **big** kana *v*.; zene *v*.; zenii *n*.; zeŋ *n*. **bile** kpʊrɪɪnɪɪ *n*. **bilharzia** fɪɪ̃nɪ ̃ ɪ̃tʃoro ̃ <sup>1</sup> *n*. **billy goat** bʊʊŋbal *n*. **bird** zaar *n*. **bird (small)** zimbie<sup>1</sup> *n*. **bird (type of)** bendiir *n*.; bɪɪzimii *n*.; bʊzaal *n*.; daakʊ̃ã *n*.; daakʊ̃ãjalɛɛ *n*.; daakʊ̃ãwoŋ *n*.; daaŋmɛnkoŋkoŋ

*n*.; diŋtʃɛna *n*.; dɪgɪɛ<sup>2</sup> *n*.; dɪgbɛlgʊʊ *n*.; dulugu *n*.; duu *n*.; galɪŋgaa *n*.; gatuolie *n*.; gbeliŋgbɪ *n*.; gbiekie *n*.; gbɪãsʊɔnɪ ̃ ã̃ *n*.; kantɛʊ *n*.; katʃig *n*.; katʃigkuol *n*.; katʃigkuolsɪaŋ *n*.; kiesii *n*.; kɪlɛɛ *n*.; kɪlɛɛsɪaŋ *n*.; konsɪaŋ *n*.; koŋbugul *n*.; koŋjelemĩĩ *n*.; koŋkogulepʊmma *n*.; koŋpʊlɪŋ *n*.; koŋzaazug *n*.; kɔsagbɛgbɛ *n*.; kuu *n*.; kuudɪgɪnsa *n*.; kuusɪaŋ *n*.; kuuwolie *n*.; kpaŋkpagtɪɪ *n*.; kpaŋkpaŋlɛrɪɛ *n*.; kpoluŋkpoo *n*.; kpoŋkpoŋbʊazimbie *n*.; lalɛɛkpakparɛɛ *n*.; laŋgbɛ<sup>1</sup> *n*.; luho *n*.; luhosɪaŋ *n*.; mããbʊ̃ʊ̃ŋ *n*.; mʊgzimbie *n*.; ŋmalɪŋŋmɪɔ̃̃ʊ̃ *n*.; paatʃaranʊɔŋ *n*.; pitieteo *n*.; pʊlzimbal *n*.; samkpaŋtuluŋu *n*.; saŋgbaŋdugulee *n*.; saŋgboŋ *n*.; sɪgmaazimbie *n*.; tiijagɪɪ *n*.; tintuolii *n*.; tɪɪtaa *n*.; tɔvʊgzimbie *n*.; tuntuolisɪama *n*.; tʃaparapɪɪ̃̃*n*.; tʃarɛɛ *n*.; tʃatʃawɪlɛɛ *n*.; tʃokpore *n*.; wiwilii *n*.; zaajaga *n*.; zimbimunzʊalʊnzʊa *n*.; zoloŋtɔnʊ̃ã *n*.

**biscuit** bisiketi *n*.

**bitch** vanɪɪ *n*.

**bite** dʊma *v*.; dʊmɪɪ *n*.; dʊnsɪ *pl.v*.; ŋmɛna<sup>2</sup> *v*.; pɛmpɛl *n*.

**bite (attempt)** gagatɪ *v*.

**bitter (be)** hããsɪ *v*.

**bitterness** hããsii<sup>1</sup> *n*.

**black** bummo *n*.; doŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*.

**black (be)** bire<sup>2</sup> *v*.

**black (person)** nɪbubummo *n*.

**Black plum** aŋbuluŋ *n*.

**Black thorn** sɔbummo *n*. **blacksmith** lʊlʊta *n*. **blade** bileedi *n*. **blame** paanɪ *v*. **blame (without)** sol *ideo*. **blanch** foro *v*. **blanket** kuntuŋ *n*. **bless** kisi *v*. **blind** ɲubiriŋtɪɪna *n*.; ɲʊlʊŋ *n*. **blink** kamsɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **blink (eye)** dʊsɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*. **blister** maali *v*. **blood** tʃal *n*. **blood relationship** hɪɛ̃̃na *n*. **bloom** jele *v*. **blooming** jelii *n*. **blow** fuuri *v*.; hʊ̃ʊ̃*v*.; pewo *v*.; zaga<sup>2</sup> *v*. **blow nose** mɪɪ̃̃*v*. **blue** bluu *n*. **blunt** gbul *n*. **blunt (be)** gbulo *v*. **board (wooden)** daapɛlɪmpɛ *n*. **boast** foro *v*. **boastful** taŋkama *n*. **boastfully (act)** woŋli *v*. **boat** kokoluŋ *n*. **body** bara *n*. **body joint** kpuŋ *n*. **bohor reedbuck** wieme *n*. **boil** tʃamɪnɪã̃ *pl.n*.; waasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **boiling** tɔŋɪɪ *n*.

**bolt** ɲɔtɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **bone** hog *n*. **book** tɔŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **bore** lugo<sup>1</sup> *v*. **boredom** haamɪɪ *n*. **borehole** pɔmpɪvigii *n*. **borrow** sʊmmɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **bother** dama *v*. **bottle** kɔlbaa *n*.; pɪrɪntʊa *n*. **bottom (river)** nɪɪsii *n*. **boundary** bʊɔ<sup>3</sup> *n*. **bow** tuo *n*. **bowed (be)** gɔrɪgɪ *v*. **bowl** tasazeŋ *n*. **bowl (grinding)** dantɪg *n*. **bowl (plastic)** rɔbakatasa *n*. **bowl (type of)** hɛmbie *n*.; hɛmbɔla *n*.; hɛna *n*.; hɛŋgbaa *n*.; katasa *n*.; tasa *n*. **box** daga *n*. **boy (young)** binɪbaal *n*. **bracelet** gbiŋ *n*. **braid** vɔtɪ<sup>2</sup> *pl.v*.; vɔwa<sup>2</sup> *v*. **brain** kuŋkuŋ *n*. **branch (forked)** daatʃaraga *n*. **branch (tree)** daanãã *n*. **branch of a river** gɔŋnãã *n*. **brave** bambiitɪɪna *n*.; dʒɪga *v*. **bravery** baalɪɪ *n*.; bambii<sup>3</sup> *n*.; nɪɪbata *n*. **bread** paanʊʊ *n*. **break** gɪtɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; kerigi *pl.v*.; keti<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tʃɪɛŋɪ *v*.

**break off** kpesi *v*.; kpɛrɪgɪ *pl.v*. **breast** ɪl *n*. **breathe** hĩẽsi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **breathe with difficulty** kiiri *v*. **breed** wasɪ *v*. **breeze** pelɛŋ *n*. **brewing** tɔŋɪɪ *n*. **bridge** kodorogo *n*. **bright** tʃããnɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **brightness** batʃaaŋ *n*. **bring** kpa wa *cpx.v*. **bring out** kiini<sup>1</sup> *v*. **bring up food** ugo *v*. **broken (be)** fʊɔmɪ *v*.; kɔgɔlɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **broken part** baketii *n*. **broken piece of gourd** fakɛlɪa *n*. **broken pot (piece)** tʃintʃeli *n*. **broom** kɪmpɪɪgɪɪ *n*.; tʃãã *n*. **brother (senior)** bɪɛrɪ *n*. **brother's wife (junior)** hãwie<sup>1</sup> *n*. **bruised (be)** fʊrɪgɪ *v*. **bucket** bakti *n*. **bud** fɪɪ̃̃*v*. **buffalo** kɔsanãɔ̃*n*. **build** sãã<sup>3</sup> *v*. **building** saal<sup>1</sup> *n*. **bulb (light)** bʊɔna *n*. **Bulenga (lect of)** buleŋii<sup>1</sup> *n*. **Bulenga (person from)** buleŋii<sup>2</sup> *n*. **bulge out** zɪga *v*. **bulges** kpuogii *n*. **bull** nɔ̃wal *n*. **bullet** maafabɪɪ *n*.

# bolt

**bullroarer** dendilhɪɛ̃̃sɪ *n*.; sɪgmawiilii *n*. **burial specialist** pel *n*. **burn** fũũ *v*.; tɔgɔsɪ *v*. **burning** fũũĩ *n*. **burnt slightly (be)** baarɪ *v*. **burp** garisi *v*. **burst** jala<sup>1</sup> *v*. **bury** sogoli<sup>2</sup> *v*.; ũũ *v*. **bush** kɔsa<sup>1</sup> *n*. **bush animal** kɔsasel *n*. **bush cat (type of)** amʊnʊ *n*. **bush dog (type of)** bele *n*.; bʊwalɪɛ *n*.

# **c**

**calculator** kɪŋkurokʊɔrɪɪ *n*. **calf** nããtʃɪgɪɪ *n*.; nɔ̃wii *n*. **calf (bull)** nɔ̃walee *n*. **call** jɪra *v*.; jɪrɪgɪ *pl.v*.; sɪra<sup>2</sup> *v*. **calling** jɪrɪɪ *n*. **camel** ɲɔgma *n*. **camp (farm)** bugumuŋ *n*. **camphor** kafuura *n*. **can** kɪn *v*.; kɔŋkɔŋ *ono*. **cancel** dʊsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **candle** tʃaandɪrɪ *n*. **candy (type of)** hagasɪ *n*. **cane** fɪɛbɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **cane-rat** aarɪɪ *n*. **cannabis** wii *n*. **capsule** lulibii *n*.

**bush guinea fowl** kɔsasũũ *n*. **bushbuck** ãã *n*. **bushy hair (have)** zɪɪ̃̃*v*. **but** ka<sup>2</sup> *conn*. **butcher** naŋjogul *n*. **butterfly** pɛŋpɛglɪmpɛ *n*. **buttock** muŋkaaŋ *n*. **buttocks** muŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **buttress** kpotokporogo *n*. **butt crack** muŋtii *n*. **buy** jɔʊsɪ *pl.v*.; jɔwa *v*. **by** pe *n*. **by force (do)** fãã<sup>1</sup> *v*.

**car** lɔɔlɪ *n*.; turuŋkaa *n*. **care (guest)** kpaga huor *v*. **care (not receive)** zugumi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **careful (be)** tʃalasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **carefully** bʊ̃ɛ̃ɪbʊ̃ ̃ɛ̃ɪ̃*ideo*. **careless (be)** faasɪ *v*. **careless (person)** siinʊmatɪɪna *n*. **carelessness** faasɪɪ *n*. **caretaker** ɲinne *n*. **carpenter** kapɛnta *n*. **carry** baasɪ *v*.; kolo *v*.; nɔŋa<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tʃʊŋa *v*.; ulo *v*. **carry (fire)** mɔna *v*. **caruncle** simɔŋ *n*. **carve** sãã<sup>1</sup> *v*. **carver** daasããr *n*.; sãsaar<sup>1</sup> *n*. **cassava** kpõŋkpõŋ *n*.

**cassava (dried)** kpõŋkpõŋhʊlɪɪ *n*.; kpõŋkpõŋte *n*. **cassava (red)** kpõŋkpõŋsɪama *n*. **cassava (white)** kpõŋkpõŋpʊmma *n*. **cassava flour lumps** kpõŋkpõŋɲɪŋa *n*. **cassava peel** kpõŋkpõŋpɛtɪɪ *n*. **cassava plant** kpõŋkpõŋdaa *n*. **cassava tuber** kpõŋkpõŋzʊʊl *n*. **castrate** vara *v*. **cat** diebie *n*.; dʒɛbalaŋ *n*. **catapult** taja *n*. **catarrh** kabirime *n*. **catch** kpaga<sup>2</sup> *v*.; kpagasɪ *pl.v*.; tʃaŋsɪ *v*. **catch breath** sigisi *v*. **caterpillar (type of)** sansandugulii *n*.; sansanduguliibummo *n*.; sansanduguliihɔhɔla *n*.; sansanduguliinɪɛr *n*.; taantuni *n*. **cattle pen** nɔ̃gar *n*. **Caucasian (person)** naasaara *n*. **Caucasian man** naasaarbaal *n*. **Caucasian woman** naasaarhããŋ *n*. **cause a blister** maali *v*. **cause someone's laughter** lugusi *v*. **caution** na<sup>3</sup> *v*. **cave** bɪɪbʊɔ *n*. **cave name** narabʊɔ *nprop*. **cavity (wood)** lor *n*. **cedi** siidi *n*. **ceiling** sapete *n*. **celebration (type of)** binʊ̃ãŋsɪŋ *n*.

**cement** selemente *n*. **centipede (type of)** dokeg *n*. **cerebro-spinal meningitis** kaŋgbeli *n*. **certain** wara *dem*. **certainly** tʊrɪ *v*.; tʃi *v*. **chaff** hããsa *n*.; nʊɔr *n*. **chaff (guinea corn)** mɪnzɔga *n*. **chaff (rice)** murpɛtɪɪ *n*. **chair** kor *n*. **Chakali (ethnically)** tʃakalɪɪ *n*. **Chakali (language)** tʃakalɪɪ *n*. **chameleon** sɪŋgbɛglɪŋ *n*. **chance** bar<sup>2</sup> *n*. **change** bɪrgɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **change (direction)** bɪɛgɪ *v*. **change (money)** tʃeŋdʒi *n*. **change appearance (plant)** maŋa<sup>3</sup> *v*. **change name** lugo<sup>2</sup> *v*. **character** dʒogo *n*. **character (type of)** nɪhãsɪɪ *n*.; nɪɲagɛ *n*.; zomie *n*. **charcoal (piece)** hɔl *n*. **charcoal (small pieces of)** dandafulii *n*. **charcoal fire** diŋhala *n*. **charge** tʃaagɪ *n*. **chase** dʊgʊnɪ *v*. **Chasia (lect of)** tʃasɪlɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **Chasia (person from)** tʃasɪlɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **Chasia village** tʃasɪa *nprop*. **chasing women** hããbuura *n*. **cheat** fulumi *v*.; tie<sup>2</sup> *v*. **cheating** fuŋfuluŋ *n*.

## cheek

**cheek** gɪrɪɪ *n*.; lɛhɛɛ *n*. **chest** bambii<sup>1</sup> *n*. **chest hair** bambiipʊŋ *n*. **chest pains** bambiigɛraga *n*.; bambiwɪɪla *n*. **chest problem** baŋsɪaŋ *n*. **chew** ŋmʊʊrɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tie<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tʃagamɪ *v*. **chewing gum** tʃʊŋgɔŋ *n*. **chewing stick** gbɛsa *n*. **chick** zimbie<sup>2</sup> *n*. **chicken** zal *n*.; zɪmɪɪ̃̃*n*. **chickenpox** seɲambi *n*.; taʊgara *n*. **chief** kuoru *n*. **chieftanship** koro *n*. **child** bie *n*.; bisʊɔna *n*.; hamɔ̃ŋ *n*. **child (adopted)** bilaadʊlɪɪ *n*. **child (bad)** bibɔŋ *n*. **child (small)** bisʊɔnbie *n*.; hamɔ̃wie *n*. **child (youngest)** biwie *n*. **children of a paternal line** ɲɪnabise *n*. **chimney** sumbol *n*. **chin** daatʊma *n*. **chisel** ŋmɛna *n*. **chock** lesi *v*. **choke** fɔra<sup>1</sup> *v*.; laŋsɪ *v*. **choked (be)** fɔtɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **choose** lɪsɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*. **Christian** tʃɛɛtʃɪbie *n*. **Christmas** bʊrɪŋa *n*. **church** tʃɛɛtʃɪ *n*.

**cigarette** sigaari *n*. **circle** goro<sup>3</sup> *v*. **circuit** nããval<sup>1</sup> *n*. **circular** guloŋguloŋ *ideo*. **circumciser** wondʒomo *n*. **clan** wʊsa<sup>3</sup> *n*. **clan name** itolo *nprop*.; ɪjɛla *nprop*.; ɲaŋuwɔlɛɛ *nprop*.; vɪɛhɪɛgɪɛ *nprop*.; wɔsakuolo *nprop*.; wɔsalɛɛla *nprop*.; wɔsasiile *nprop*.; wɔsatʃaala *nprop*.; wɔsawɪɪla *nprop*. **clan rights** waasɪwɪɛ *n*. **clan title** danta *n*. **claw** lɔga *v*.; nããtʃig *n*. **clay** tʃʊl *n*. **clean** dʊsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tʃããnɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **clean (not be)** ɔɔlɪ *v*. **clear** penteŋ *ideo*. **clear land** zaŋsɪ *v*. **clear throat** kaasɪ *v*. **climb** zɪna<sup>2</sup> *v*. **climber (type of)** fʊl<sup>1</sup> *n*.; gʊmpɛra *n*.; koguliŋpaa *n*.; lagɪŋgasɪɪ *n*.; lieŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*.; nɔʔɔrɔŋ *n*.; sɪgɛra *n*.; tʃinie *n*.; vɪsɪŋ *n*. **clitoris** mɔŋzɪg *n*. **close** tɔ<sup>3</sup> *v*. **close (eyes)** ɲʊmmɪ *v*. **closing** tɔɪ *n*. **cloth** gar *n*. **cloth (cover)** gatɔɔlɪɪ *n*.

**cloth (type of)** fʊ̃ʊ̃fʊ̃ʊ̃ *n*.; gapʊmma *n*.; gbagala *n*.; kɔbɪnɪɪ *n*.; kpaŋkpamba *n*.; sʊɔla *n*.; tambʊ *n*.; tʃaŋtʃul *n*. **clothing (piece)** kɪnlarɪɪ *n*. **cloud** taal *n*. **cloud state** gããnɪgããnɪ *ideo*.; tɪnãʊ̃*n*. **clove** mũsooro *n*. **clumsy (person)** gbɛtɪɛ *n*. **co-wife** handɔŋ *n*. **coal pot** kɔlpɔtɪ *n*. **cock** zimbal *n*. **cock-a-doodle-doo** koŋkoliilikoo *ono*. **cockerel** zimbelee *n*. **cockroach** hogul *n*.; holiŋ *n*. **cockroach (type of)** hogulbummo *n*.; hogulpʊmma *n*. **cockroach sound** tʃitʃi *ono*. **cocoa** kuokuo *n*. **coconut** kube *n*. **cocoyam** mankani *n*. **coil** guti *v*.; kaasɪ *v*. **cold** kɪnsɔŋ *n*.; sɔŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*.; sʊɔnɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **colic pain** patʃɪgɪɪ gbaŋasa *n*. **collapse** buro *v*.; wʊrɪgɪ *v*. **colleague** tɔgama<sup>2</sup> *n*. **collect** laa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **collect (contribution)** kɪɛ *v*. **comb** tʃaasa *n*.; tʃaasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **comb (rooster)** kɔŋa *n*. **comb (wooden)** tʃaasadaa *n*. **come** baa *v*.; waa *v*.

**come (close)** lɪɛrɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **come loose** kɔgɔlɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **come low** tuu *v*. **come to do** wa *pv*. **community** tɔʊ *n*. **community (old)** tɔhɪɛ̃̃*n*. **community member (prominent)** tɔʊpʊal *n*.; tɔʊsii<sup>2</sup> *n*. **compete** kaŋŋɪ *v*. **competent** weti<sup>2</sup> *v*. **complain (to oneself)** nʊ̃ʊ̃mɪ *v*. **complaint** kaɲaaga *n*. **computer** kɪŋkurokʊɔrɪɪ *n*. **comrade** dɔŋ *n*.; dɔŋtɪɪna *n*.; tɔgama<sup>2</sup> *n*. **conceal** sogoli<sup>1</sup> *v*. **concrete entity particle** kɪn**confess** puoti<sup>2</sup> *v*. **confirm** zɪma sii *cpx.v*. **confused (be)** buti *v*. **conjunctivitis** siwɪɪla *n*. **consider** tɔgʊmɪ *v*. **constellation** boloŋbʊɔtɪa *nprop*. **contagious (be)** loŋŋi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **container (gunpowder)** dʒɛbugokpʊrgɪɪ *n*.; maafaluro *n*. **container (kola nut)** kapʊsɪfala *n*. **container (tobacco)** tɔʊkpurgii *n*. **container (type of)** rɔbagalan *n*.; viisɪama *n*. **convert** tuubi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **cook** kʊɔrɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; saa *v*.; suguli<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tɔŋa *v*. **cook partially** wuuli *v*.

**cooked (be)** bɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **cooking place** dalɪa *n*. **cooking pot (type of)** dansanɛ *n*.; tempilie *n*.; tuolie *n*.; vii *n*.; viisugulii *n*. **cool** sɔŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **cool down** pulisi *v*. **cooperate** zʊʊ<sup>3</sup> *v*. **cooperative group** nʊdɪgɪmaŋa *n*. **core (central)** daa<sup>3</sup> *n*. **corpse** lalɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*.; sʊwɪɪ *n*. **corpse uniform** kasɪma *n*. **cotton** guno *n*. **cotton thread** guŋmɛŋ *n*. **cough** tʃasɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*.; tʃasɪɛ *n*. **count** kuro *v*. **counting** kurii *n*. **courage** kpaga bambii *v*. **court** kɔɔtɪ *n*.; sʊga *v*. **courtyard** zaga *n*. **cousin** ɲɪnabie<sup>2</sup> *n*. **cousin (female)** mããbinɪhããŋ *n*. **cousin (male)** mããbinɪbaal *n*. **cousin (younger)** mããbie<sup>2</sup> *n*. **cover** liŋe<sup>2</sup> *v*.; muuri *v*.; pu<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tɔ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tʃige<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tʃigesi *pl.v*. **cover partially** gaali<sup>1</sup> *v*. **cow** nãʊ̃*n*.; nɔ̃nɪɪ *n*.; nɔ̃ʊ̃*n*. **coward** ɔŋgbɪar *n*. **cowherd** nɔ̃gbar *n*. **cowpea** sɪg *n*. **cowpea aphid** pupuree *n*.

**cowrie** molebipʊmma *n*. **crack** kpɛtɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tʃɪagɪ *v*.; tʃɪɛŋɪ *v*. **crack and remove** kpe *v*. **cracked skin** nããjɛlɛɛ *n*. **crackle** parasɪ *v*. **crane** lɛŋsɪ *v*. **craving** hɪɛ̃̃ra *n*. **craw-craw** saŋgbɛna *n*. **crawl** gbaani *v*. **cream (body)** nʊ̃ʊ̃tɪtɪɪ *n*. **create grave** bɛga *v*. **creature (supernatural)** gʊma<sup>2</sup> *n*. **credulous** tʃɔgɪɪ *n*. **creep** taarɪ *v*. **cricket** poŋ *n*. **cricket (type of)** lɛlɪɛpoŋ *n*. **cripple** gbɛrɪɪ *n*. **crippled (be)** gbɛra *v*. **crocodile** ɲʊg *n*. **crooked (be)** fʊɔmɪ *v*.; golemĩ *v*.; goro<sup>1</sup> *v*. **cross** gɪ *v*.; kaga *v*.; mɪna<sup>4</sup> *v*. **crow** jele *v*. **crowd** ɲʊ̃ʊ̃*v*. **crowded** gbiŋgbiŋ *ideo*. **crush-and-spoil** pɔtɪ *v*. **cry** tʃaasi *v*. **cry out** hɔ̃sɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **cup** bonso *n*.; kɔpʊ *n*. **cure** kpege<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tiime *v*. **curse** kaabɪ *v*.; nʊʊsuo *n*.; suo *v*. **curtain** patiisa *n*. **curved (be)** goro<sup>1</sup> *v*.

**cut** bafɔrɪgɪɪ *n*.; fɪɛrɪ *v*.; gɪtɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; kʊtɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; kpʊ<sup>3</sup> *v*.; lɔga<sup>2</sup> *v*.; ŋmɛna<sup>1</sup> *v*.; teŋe<sup>1</sup> *v*.; teŋesi *pl.v*.

**cut (power, network)** gɪtɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.

# **d**

**Dagaare (language)** dagataa *n*. **Dagaare (person)** dagaʊ *n*. **dagger** daŋgorugo *n*. **dam** dampʊ *n*. **damaged** zagatɪ *v*. **damaged (be)** pɔtɪ *v*. **dance** gʊa *v*.; gʊa *n*. **dance (type of)** baawa *n*.; bawaa *n*.; dʊgʊ *n*.; dʒanse *n*.; fɪrɪgʊ *n*.; gaŋgaŋ *n*.; kpaa *n*.; kpaanãã *n*.; sii *n*.; zuŋgʊɔ *n*. **dance-floor** kil *n*. **dancer** gʊagʊar *n*. **dangerous (be)** bɔma<sup>1</sup> *v*. **dark** bire<sup>1</sup> *v*. **darkness** birge *n*. **date** deti *n*. **dawadawa** sʊl<sup>1</sup> *n*. **dawadawa flower** sʊŋkpulii *n*. **day** wʊzʊʊrɪ *n*. **day after tomorrow** tɔmʊsʊ *n*.; tɔmʊsʊ gantal *n. phr*. **day before yesterday** tɔmʊsʊ *n*.; tɔmʊsʊ gantal *n. phr*. **day break** tʃʊɔsɪn pɪsa *n. phr*.

**cut off head (plant)** kʊma *v*. **cut throat** kɔrɪgɪ *v*. **cutlass** karantɪɛ *n*. **cystitis** fɪɪ̃nɪ ̃ ɪ̃tʃoro ̃ <sup>2</sup> *n*.

**deaf (person)** dɪgɪnbirinsetɪɪna *n*.; woŋ *n*. **deafness** dɪgɪnbirinse *n*. **death** sɛʊ *n*. **debate** tɔtʊɔsa *n*. **debt** kantʃɪma *n*. **debt (without)** sol *ideo*. **decay** ɔla *v*. **deceive** dara *v*.; mʊga *v*. **decide** vʊʊrɪ *v*. **decrease (swelling)** fʊɔlɪ *v*. **deeds** wɪkpagɪɪ *n*. **deep** luŋo *v*. **deep and long** tʃugo<sup>2</sup> *v*. **defamation** sɔntʃɔga *n*. **defamer** sɔntʃɔgatɪɪna *n*. **defeat** kɔla<sup>3</sup> *v*. **defecate** ɲã<sup>1</sup> *v*. **defilement** sɔkɔsɪɪ *n*. **deflated (be)** tʃele<sup>2</sup> *v*. **deformed (person)** kundɪŋa *n*.; nɪbukperii<sup>2</sup> *n*. **dehydrated (plant)** zʊɔmɪ *v*. **delay** birgi *v*. **demolish** kputi *v*.

**demonstrate** bigisi *v*. **dense (be)** gbʊŋa *v*. **dent** fʊɔmɪ *v*. **dental abscess** ɲiŋʔɔrɪɪ *n*. **deny** tʊa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **depend on** fãã<sup>2</sup> *v*.; jalasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; ɲine<sup>2</sup> *v*. **dependent** paragɛ *v*. **depressed** patʃɪgtʃɔgsa *n*. **deprive** haarɪ *v*. **derogatory sound (make)** pʊrʊsɪ *v*. **descend** tuu *v*. **descending position among siblings** sɪŋsagal<sup>1</sup> *n*. **desert date** goŋgobiridaa *n*. **desiderative** ŋma<sup>2</sup> *pv*. **desperation** nʊnnʊŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **destroy** tʃɔga *v*. **destroy with fire** mara *v*. **detached** folo *v*. **develop** kʊɔrɪ<sup>6</sup> *v*. **device to carry fire** diŋkɪŋmɔnɪɪ *n*. **dew** mɛŋ *n*. **dial** fɛrɪgɪ<sup>2</sup> *pl.v*. **diarrhoea** dʊgʊsa *n*.; tʃaarɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tʃaarɪ *n*. **diaspora (person)** kɔzʊʊr *n*. **dibble** tʃɔkdaa *n*. **dictionary** wɪŋmalagamɪɛ̃̃*n*. **die** sʊtɪ *pl.v*.; sʊwa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **die prematurely** koti *v*. **difference** kʊrkɪɪ *n*. **different** kʊra *v*.

**difficult (be)** bɔma<sup>5</sup> *v*. **difficulty** wɪkpegelegii *n*. **dig** daarɪ *v*.; hire *v*. **digging** hirii *n*. **dilute** pulisi *v*. **dirge (type of)** dendilsɪgmaa *n*.; nããlomo<sup>2</sup> *n*.; tebinsɪgmaa *n*. **dirt** doŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **dirtiness** doŋii *n*. **dirty (be)** doŋo *v*. **disappear** nigimi *v*.; pɪsɪ *v*. **disappearance (spiritual)** nigimii *n*. **discouraged** bajʊɔra *n*. **discourse manner** kpãŋkpãŋ *ideo*. **discreet (person)** zɪmkpaganʊ̃ãtɪɪna *n*. **discretion** zɪmkpaganʊ̃ã *n*. **discussion (place)** baŋmaalɪɪ *n*. **disdain (express)** tʃʊʊsɪ *v*. **disease** dʒɛrɛga *n*.; gɛrɛga *n*. **disease (type of)** sɪŋgiliŋgi *n*. **dish** pɛrɛtɛ *n*. **dishonest (be)** goro<sup>2</sup> *v*. **dismantle** wɪlɪgɪ *v*. **disrespect** sidi *n*. **dissolve** mʊʊrɪ *v*. **distaff** gundaabii *n*.; ŋmɛdaa *n*. **disturb** dama *v*. **disturbances** laadimii *n*.; nɪmɪsa *n*. **dive** miiri *v*. **divide** bonti *v*.; po *v*. **dizziness** sɪŋgiliŋgi *n*. **dizzy (be)** sii bire *v*. **do** dɪ *comp*.; ja *v*.

**doctor** dɔkta *n*. **dog** nʊ̃ãtɪɪna *n*.; vaa *n*. **dog (female)** vanɪɪ *n*. **dog (male)** vawal *n*. **dog name** andɪaɲããwɪɛ *nprop*.; jasaŋabʊɛ̃ɪ *nprop*.; kuosozɪma *nprop*.; n̩nʊ̃ãwajahoo *nprop*. **Doga** dɔga *nprop*. **donkey** kaakumo *n*.; kogumie *n*. **door** dɪanʊ̃ã *n*. **dormant** barɛgɛ *v*. **doubt** maŋsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **dowager's hump** bagɛntʃugul *n*. **dowry** tʃewii *n*. **drag** tuuri<sup>1</sup> *v*. **dragonfly** annulie *n*. **drain** belege *n*. **draw close** tʊʊrɪ *v*. **draw milk from** fãã<sup>3</sup> *v*. **dream** diese *n*.; diesi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **drench** taalɪ *v*. **dress** laarɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; liŋe<sup>1</sup> *v*. **drink** ɲʊ̃ã<sup>1</sup> *v*. **drink (hot)** tii *n*. **drink from stream** pu *v*. **drink preparation (step)** sɪŋbɔtɪɪ *n*.; sɪŋwaasɪɪ *n*. **drip** toŋsi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **drive** mɪlɪmɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; sãã<sup>2</sup> *v*. **driver** draaba *n*.; sãsaar<sup>2</sup> *n*. **driver (car)** lɔɔlɪmɪlɪma *n*.; lɔɔlɪsããr *n*.

**driving** mɪlɪmɪɪ *n*. **drop** kpa ta<sup>2</sup> *cpx.v*.; tʃuuri<sup>2</sup> *v*. **drop inadvertently** foti<sup>2</sup> *v*. **drought** hɪl *n*. **drum (type of)** bafragugu *n*.; bɪntɪra *n*.; bɪntɪrawie *n*.; bɪntɪrazeŋ *n*.; gaŋgaŋa *n*.; kokorowie *n*.; loŋo *n*.; timpannɪɪ *n*.; timpantii *n*.; timpanwal *n*.; tʃutʃug *n*.; zuŋguŋ *n*. **drum rattles** bɪntɪratʃɪɪ̃ŋ̃ *n*. **drummer** kɪŋmaŋana *n*. **drumming stick** loŋodaa *n*. **drunk** bugo<sup>2</sup> *v*.; dɪɛsɪ *v*. **dry** bɛra *v*.; hʊla *v*. **dry season (period within)** wiliŋsaŋa *n*. **dry up** hɪɪ̃sɪ̃ *v*. **drying** hʊlɪɪ *n*. **Ducie (lect of)** duselii<sup>2</sup> *n*. **Ducie (person from)** duselii<sup>1</sup> *n*. **Ducie village** dusie *n*. **duck** bɪã̃ *n*.; gbagba *n*. **duiker (red-flanked)** tɛsɪama *n*. **dull** gbul *n*. **dullness** zʊ̃ʊ̃*n*. **dust** bɛlɛgɛ *v*.; bʊmbʊr *n*. **dusty (be)** bʊra *v*. **dusty weather** korumbʊra *n*. **duty** wɪjaalɪɪ *n*. **dying** sʊwɪɪ *n*. **dysentery** dʊksa *n*. **each other** dɔŋa *recp*.

# **e**

**ear** dɪgɪna *n*. **earache** dɪgɪnwɪɪlɪɪ *n*. **earlier (be)** maasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **early** te *v*. **early stage** fɔŋfɔŋ *ideo*. **early stage of pregnancy (be in)** lomo<sup>2</sup> *v*. **earth** hagla *n*.; haglɪɪ *n*.; tagla *n*. **earthworm** tantaanɪɪ *n*. **east** tiimuŋ *n*.; wʊjalɪɪ *n*. **eat** di<sup>1</sup> *v*.; fuosi *v*. **eat (without soup)** ɲaŋa *v*. **ebony tree** anĩĩ *n*. **edge** tʃɪntʃɛrɪɪ *n*. **edge (cloth)** garnʊ̃ã *n*. **educated (person)** karatʃi *n*. **eel (type of)** digilii *n*. **effort** baharaga<sup>1</sup> *n*. **egg** hal *n*. **egg (guinea fowl)** sũũhal *n*. **egg (hen)** zahal *n*. **egg white** zahalbapʊmma *n*. **egg yolk** zahalbasɪama *n*. **eggplant** ɲadʊa *n*. **eight** ŋmɛŋtɛl<sup>2</sup> *num*. **eighteen** fidiŋmɛŋtɛl *num*. **eighth month** andʒelindʒe *nprop*. **eject out** ɔgɪlɪ *v*. **elastic** mana *n*. **elbow** negʊma *n*.

**elbow (interior)** negbaŋa *n*. **elder** nɪhɪɛ̃̃*n*. **election** votii *n*. **electricity** diŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **elephant** bɔla *n*.; dʒigela *n*.; neŋtɪɪna *n*.; selzeŋ *n*. **elephant trunk** bɔlakaŋ *n*. **elephantiasis of the leg** nããtuto *n*. **eleven** fididɪgɪɪ *num*. **eleventh month** doŋumakuna *nprop*. **empty** woo *v*. **enclose** go *v*. **enclosed (location)** bagorii<sup>1</sup> *n*. **end** pe *n*. **endow with power** bɔma<sup>4</sup> *v*. **enemy** dɔŋ *n*. **engine** indʒi *n*. **enjoyment** lɛŋ *n*. **enough** maasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **enskinned (be)** di<sup>2</sup> *v*. **enter** zʊʊ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **entertain** daŋŋɪ sie *cpx.v*. **entertainment** siidaŋŋa *n*. **enthusiasm** baharaga<sup>2</sup> *n*. **enthusiastic** hɪɛ̃̃rɪ *v*. **entirely** kpalɛŋkpalɛŋ *ideo*. **entrance** nʊ̃ã<sup>2</sup> *reln*. **entrance of a spiritual location** duguŋnʊ̃ã *n*. **entropion** siipʊŋwile *n*. **enumeration** kɪŋkurugie *n*.

#### fair-skinned (person)

## epidemic

**epidemic** baleo *n*. **epilepsy** kpuŋkpuluŋso *n*. **epileptic (person)** kpuŋkpuliŋtʃelese *n*.; tʃetʃelese *n*. **equal** jaa<sup>2</sup> *v*.; maasɪ<sup>4</sup> *v*. **erase** dʊsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **erectile dysfunction** viwo<sup>2</sup> *n*. **erode** mʊʊrɪ *v*. **escape** fuosi *v*. **escort** tʊ *v*. **essence** bii<sup>2</sup> *n*. **essence (of someone)** patʃɪgɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **ethnic division** balʊʊ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **even** maasɪ<sup>4</sup> *v*.; vɔlɔŋvɔlɔŋ *ideo*. **evening** dadʊɔŋ *n*.; dʊana *n*. **everyone** namuŋ *quant*. **everything** wɪmuŋ *quant*. **evil** sɪtaanɪ *n*. **exactly** tʃuur *ideo*. **examination** tɛɛsɪ *n*. **exceed** gala<sup>2</sup> *v*.; gara<sup>3</sup> *v*.; kaalɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **excel** wo<sup>2</sup> *v*. **exchange** tʃɛra *v*. **excited** basʊɔna *n*. **exclamation (type of)** abba *interj*.; mufu *interj*.

# **f**

**fabric (piece)** pɪɛŋ *n*. **face** sie *n*.; tʃaga *v*. **fail** bɪ1̃ *v*. **fail to attend** bɪ2̃ *v*.

**exclusively** zɔ̃ɪ̃*ideo*. **excrement** bɪna *pl.n*. **excuse** gaafra *interj*. **exercise** dɛnsɪ hogo *v*. **exist** ta *v*. **exist (not)** tuo *v*. **exit (many)** kpuluŋo *n*. **expand** ugo<sup>2</sup> *v*. **expatriate** kɔzʊʊr *n*. **expectation** gbaŋasa *n*. **expected** zɪ<sup>1</sup> *pv*. **expected (be)** kpɛsɛ *v*. **expensive (be)** bɔma<sup>2</sup> *v*. **experienced (person)** nebɪnɪɪ̃̃*n*. **explode** jala<sup>1</sup> *v*. **expose** ɲaabɪ *v*. **extraordinary** ɲããsii *n*. **extraordinary (person)** nɪbukperii<sup>1</sup> *n*.; nɪbuɲããsii *n*. **eye** sii<sup>1</sup> *n*. **eye discharge** silogto *n*. **eyeball** siibii *n*. **eyebrow** siikoŋo *n*. **eyelash** siipʊŋ *n*. **eyelid** siitɔŋ *n*.

**fail to thrive** kere *n*. **faint** buro *v*.; sie viigi<sup>1</sup> *cpx.v*. **fair** patʃɪgɪpʊmma *n*. **fair-skinned (person)** nɪbutʃããŋ *n*.

# fairy

**fairy** kɔntɔŋ *n*.; ɲuzɪɪ̃tɪɪna ̃ *n*. **faithful** bidɪɪŋ *n*. **faithful (be)** degini<sup>3</sup> *v*. **fall** tʃele<sup>1</sup> *v*. **fall off** luore *v*. **fall on** saga<sup>2</sup> *v*. **fall short** panti *v*. **false accusation** dʒoŋkoho *n*. **family** dɪatʊma *n*. **family relationship** hɪɛ̃̃na *n*. **famous (be)** laa sɔŋ *n*. **fan** limpeu *n*. **far** bolo *v*. **far place** babuolii *n*. **farm** kuo *n*.; para *v*.; pɛŋɪ *v*. **farm (period)** dʒɛfɛ *n*.; pɛpɛŋa *n*. **farm (state)** dʒɛfɛbummo *n*.; dʒɛfɛpʊmma *n*.; gaha *n*.; kalɲaaga *n*.; kɔkɔ *n*.; kɔlɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **farm preparation** gbege *n*.; kontii *n*.; zaŋsa *n*. **farm rest area (type of)** gbʊgʊlmuŋ *n*. **farmer** papata *n*. **fast** laga *v*.; nʊmanʊma *ideo*.; nʊnnʊŋ<sup>4</sup> *n*. **fast (movement)** lerete *ideo*. **fat** nʊ̃ʊ̃*n*.; pɔlɪɪ *n*. **fat (be)** pɔla *v*. **father** ɲɪna *n*. **Father** faara *n*. **father's junior brother** ɲɪŋwie<sup>1</sup> *n*. **father's senior brother** ɲɪŋhɪɛ̃̃<sup>1</sup> *n*.

**father's sister** hɪɛ̃̃na *n*. **fear** ɔma *v*. **fearfulness** ɔŋgbɪa *n*. **fearless (person)** siinʊmatɪɪna *n*. **feather** pʊŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **fed up (be)** pɪ̃*v*. **feed** dɪɛsɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **feel** na<sup>2</sup> *v*. **fellow** tɔgama<sup>2</sup> *n*. **female** hããŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **female pubic hair** mɔŋpʊŋ *n*. **ferment** ɲagamɪ *v*. **fermented liquid** ɲagɛɛ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **fermenting substance** bʊra *n*. **fetch** dʊɔ *v*. **fetch (liquid)** jaa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **fever** sɔnɪɛ̃̃<sup>1</sup> *n*. **few** tama *quant*. **few (be)** kiesi *n*. **fiber** tɔta<sup>1</sup> *n*. **fibre (type of)** baga *n*.; bɔg<sup>2</sup> *n*. **fibrous meat** pɛmpɪamɪɪ *n*. **field** pakɪ *n*. **fifteen** fidaɲɔ̃*num*. **fifth month** dambafulanaan *nprop*. **fight** juo *n*. **fight: throw away** juo<sup>1</sup> *v*. **fill holes** fʊtɪ *v*. **filled** dɪra *v*. **find** mɔna *v*. **finger** nebii *n*. **finger (index)** fakiine *n*. **finger (little)** nebisunu *n*.; nebiwie *n*. **finger (middle)** bambaaŋnebii *n*.; nebizeŋii *n*. **finger (ring)** bambaaŋnebiwie *n*. **fingerling** dondoli *n*. **fingernail** nebipɛtɪɪ *n*. **fingerprint** nebiifɛtɪɪ *n*. **finish** peti *v*. **fire** diŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **fire (make)** mɔsɪ *v*. **firewood** diŋdaa *n*. **firing pin (gun)** tʃɪrɪbɔ *n*. **first** buŋbuŋ *n*. **first month** dʒɪmbɛntʊ *nprop*. **fish** ɲinee *n*. **fish (type of)** ammani *n*.; bɪŋbɪɛl *n*.; fɪɪ̃̃*n*.; kɔŋkʊɔgɪɪ *n*.; mɔmʊ̃ã *n*.; prɪŋ *n*.; sol *n*.; tʃopetii *n*.; tʃʊɔŋ *n*.; ugul *n*.; wɔlɛɛ *n*. **fish bone** ɲiŋhog *n*. **fish egg** ɲiŋhal *n*. **fishing hook** kokolentebii *n*. **fishing net** tʃaŋ *n*. **fishing trap** tʃig *n*. **fist** kummii *n*. **fit** maasɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*. **five** aɲɔ̃*num*.; ɲɔ̃*num*. **fixed on (be)** mara<sup>1</sup> *v*.; maragɪ *pl.v*. **flame** diŋtʊl *n*.; tʊl *n*. **flat** talala *ideo*. **flat roof** sal *n*. **flee** tʃɔ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **flesh** namɪã̃ *n*.; nanpunii *n*.

**fleshy part** nʊgʊl *n*. **flintlock frizzen** maafadɪgɪna *n*. **flintlock hammer** lɛdaa<sup>2</sup> *n*. **flintlock leather pad** tɛtɛ̃ɪ̃*n*. **flintlock locking screw** ɲɔtɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **flintlock pan** maafadɪgɪnbʊa *n*. **float** zaalɪ *v*. **flour** saʊ *n*. **flour (dawadawa)** sʊlsaʊ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **flow** lɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; pala *v*. **flower** jelii *n*. **flower (dawadawa)** sʊŋkpulii *n*. **flower (groundnut)** maŋsijelii *n*. **flower (type of)** kpalɪmaalige *n*.; lololo *n*.; tʃuomonaatɔwa *n*. **flute** loŋwie *n*. **flute (type of)** busunu *n*. **fly** zaa *v*. **fly (tsetse)** kɪrɪma *n*.; nakaʊ *n*.; nakpafugul *n*. **fly (type of)** tʃɪã̃ <sup>1</sup> *n*.; tʃɪãbummo ̃ *n*.; tʃɪãsɪama ̃ *n*. **foam** fʊga<sup>2</sup> *v*.; fʊŋfʊgʊl *n*. **focus particle** ra *foc*. **foetus** tɪa<sup>2</sup> *n*. **fog** kʊrʊmbʊra *n*. **Foga (person's name)** fɔga<sup>1</sup> *nprop*. **fold** guti *v*. **follow** gantal<sup>2</sup> *n*.; tɪŋa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **food** sɪɪmaa *n*. **food (scooped ball)** bɔtɪɪ *n*.

**food (type of)** fʊʊra *n*.; gaarii *n*.; kaara *n*.; kpogulo *n*.; sʊamanzɪga *n*.; timpaanii *n*. **food left-overs** kʊʊtʃʊa *n*. **food preparation (incorrect)** mul *n*. **food storage room** sɪɪmaadɪa *n*. **fool** fugusi<sup>1</sup> *v*.; gɛnɪɪ *n*. **fool (be)** gɛna *v*. **foolishness** gɛnna *n*. **foot** nããpɪɛl *n*. **foot (sole of)** nããpɪɛlpatʃɪgɪɪ *n*. **foot (top of)** nããpɪɛlgantal *n*. **footprint** nããnasɪɪ *n*. **forbid** kii *v*. **force** fɪra *v*.; fɪrɪɪ *n*. **forehead** tile *n*. **forest** kɔr *n*. **forge** lʊga<sup>1</sup> *v*. **forget** sʊgʊlɪ *v*. **forgive** gɪla tɪɛ *cpx.v*. **form** bilesi *pl.v*. **four** anaasɛ *num*.; naasɛ *num*. **fourteen** fidanaasɛ *num*. **fourth month** dambakokoroko *nprop*. **fowl** zal *n*.; zɪmɪɪ̃̃*n*. **fowl (type of)** pɪtɪɪ *n*.; sũũ *n*. **fowl house** dembelee *n*. **fowl tick** pala *n*.

# **g**

**fragile** kɪntʃɪagɪɪ *n*. **freeze** kpaŋa *v*. **fresh** sɔŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **Friday** arɪdʒima *n*. **friend** tʃɛna *n*. **frog (type of)** sɔmpɔrɛɛ *n*.; sɔrɪɪ *n*. **front** sʊʊ<sup>1</sup> *n*.; sʊʊ<sup>3</sup> *reln*. **front sight (gun)** mɪɪ̃̃*n*. **fruit** daanɔ̃ŋ *n*.; nɔŋ *n*. **fruit (dawadawa)** sʊlnɔŋ *n*. **fruit (type of)** goŋonɔŋ *n*.; lieŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **fry** hala *v*.; pɪga *v*. **frying** halɪɪ *n*.; pɪgɪɪ *n*. **fuel** paturuu *n*.; petro *n*. **fufu** kapala *n*. **full** biriŋ *n*.; pɪŋa *v*.; pɪŋɪsɪ *pl.v*. **full (be)** su *v*. **funeral** luho *n*. **funeral (first)** lunʊŋ *n*. **funeral (last)** lusɪnna *n*. **funeral event (type of)** bʊɔtɔɪ *n*.; hʊɔrakaalɪɪ *n*.; kɔmɪãkpaɪɪ ̃ *n*.; kɔmɪãɲarɪɪ ̃ *n*.; kʊzaakpaɪɪ *n*.; kʊzaalimmii *n*.; selekpʊɪɪ *n*.; sɪgmaa *n*.; sɪmbɔtɪɪ *n*.; sɪnɲʊ̃ãɪ̃*n*.; sɪŋwaasɪɪ *n*.; wɔsɪwɪjaalɪɪ *n*. **funeral ground** ludendil *n*. **furious (be)** zaga *v*.

**gaiety** balalla *n*. **gallbladder** kpʊrɪɪ *n*.

**game (type of)** bombo *n*.; dara *n*.; seŋsegelie *n*. **game reserve** geem *nprop*. **garden** dabaga *n*.; gaadin *n*. **garden egg** ɲadʊa *n*. **gather** lagamɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; laŋsɪ<sup>1</sup> *pl.v*.; tigsi *v*. **gather close** go *v*. **gather together** gama *v*.; guro *v*. **Gbolo (person's name)** gbolo *nprop*. **gear** hʊ̃ŋ *n*. **gecko (type of)** toro *n*.; zɛsa *n*. **generous** patʃɪgɪpʊmma *n*.; sɔŋtɪɪna *n*. **genet (type of)** tʊɔnɪã̃ *n*. **gentility** bʊnʊ̃ã *n*. **germinate** jala<sup>2</sup> *v*.; ɲʊ̃*v*. **gesture** bigise *n*. **get by force** fɔsɪ *v*. **get lost** sie viigi<sup>2</sup> *cpx.v*. **ghost** lɔsɪɪ *n*. **gift (type of)** tʃɔgtaa *n*. **ginger** kokoduro *n*. **gingivitis** paŋʔɔrɪɪ *n*. **girl** binɪhããŋ *n*. **girl (beautiful)** tulor<sup>2</sup> *n*. **girl (mature)** tulor<sup>1</sup> *n*. **girl (mature, young)** suŋguru *n*. **girl (young)** nɪhãwie *n*.; tulorwie *n*. **give** tɪɛ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **give birth** lʊla *v*. **give birth (history)** tʃaŋsɪ *v*. **give way** bɪagɛ *v*.

**giving birth** lʊlɪɪ *n*. **glance (furtive)** silɪɛr *n*. **glance at** limmi *v*. **glide (close)** lɪɛrɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **glue** mara<sup>1</sup> *v*. **glue (type of)** maataa *n*. **go** ka *pv*.; kaalɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **go away** lɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **go down** tuu *v*. **go in and out** turo<sup>2</sup> *v*. **go over** gala<sup>1</sup> *v*. **go up** zɪna<sup>2</sup> *v*. **goal** gool *n*. **goat** bʊ̃ʊ̃ŋ *n*. **goat (young)** bʊ̃ʊ̃ŋbie *n*. **god** wʊsa<sup>1</sup> *n*. **God (supreme)** kuoso *n*. **goitre** bagɛnapʊɔgɪɪ *n*. **gold** salɪŋ *n*. **Gonja (person)** zabaga *n*. **gonorrhoea** baabaasʊ *n*. **good** lɛmɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **good (be)** lɛma<sup>1</sup> *v*.; were *v*. **gourd** fala *n*. **gourd (type of)** bɔɔl<sup>2</sup> *n*.; fabummo *n*.; fapʊmma *n*.; fataga *n*.; fawie *n*.; fazeŋ *n*.; gbɛntaga *n*.; kpʊrgɪɪ *n*.; loŋ *n*.; loŋbɔl *n*.; loŋkpʊrgɪɪ *n*. **gourd ladle** daazʊʊna<sup>2</sup> *n*. **gourd node** faʔul *n*. **gourd seed (type of)** fobii *pl.n*.; pɔntɔrɔtʃɪã̃ *n*. **gourd stem** falaneŋ *n*. **government** gɔmɔnantɪ *n*.

**governor** gɔmɪna *n*. **grab** kpaga<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tʃɛwa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **grab firmly** gurugi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **grab hold** faamɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **grain (guinea corn)** mɪmbii *n*. **grain weevil** ɲakpatɛ *n*. **gramophone** garamɔ̃fɔ̃ɔ̃*n*. **grandchild** nuhũ *n*. **grandfather** naal *n*. **grandmother** nahã *n*. **grass** kɔsa<sup>2</sup> *n*. **grass (type of)** fiel *n*.; fɔgɔl<sup>1</sup> *n*.; golii *n*.; kɔpul *n*.; pemballʊɔŋ *n*.; pul *n*.; sambalkuso *n*.; sambalɲaŋa *n*.; sɪŋgbɛglɪŋnebie *n*.; zantɛrɛɛ *n*. **grass bundles** kuntunbʊa *n*. **grasscutter** aarɪɪ *n*. **grasshopper (type of)** hɔ̃ʊ̃ *n*.; kɔkɔlɪkɔ *n*.; kpekpe *n*.; tʃalɪhɔ̃ʊ̃ *n*.; tʃɛlɪntʃɪɛ *n*.; zaŋguoŋmuŋsulisu *n*. **grate** nʊga *v*. **gratefulness** patʃɪgɪtʊɔra *n*. **grave** bʊɔ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **grave (closed)** bil *n*. **grave section** bʊʊbie *n*. **grease** nʊ̃ʊ̃*n*. **great-grandfather** naalbɪlɪɛ *n*.; naaltulo *n*. **great-grandmother** nahãbɪlɪɛ *n*. **greedy** sii<sup>3</sup> *n*. **greet** zaamɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **greet (evening)** dʊanɪ *v*. **grief** patʃɪgtʃɔgsa *n*. **grill** pɛwa *v*. **grilling meat** pɛwɪɪ *n*.

**grind** kʊtɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; nama<sup>2</sup> *v*.; ɲaarɪ *v*.; saasɪ *v*.; tiisi *v*. **grinder (stomach)** kantige *n*. **grinding area** nɔŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **grinding stone (type of)** kʊŋkɔlbɪɪ *n*.; nɔmbukutii *n*.; nɔŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*.; nɔŋbuluŋ *n*.; nɔŋbuɲaarɪɪ *n*.; nɔŋbutiisii *n*.; sasɪbɪɪ *n*. **grip** kummi *v*. **groan** pɛma *n*. **groin** nããnawɔsɪɪ *n*. **ground** hagla *n*.; haglɪɪ *n*.; tagla *n*. **ground (hard)** haglɪkpeg *n*. **ground (soft)** haglɪjɔgsɪɪ *n*. **groundnut** maŋsii *n*. **groundnut flower** maŋsijelii *n*. **group** tigsi *v*. **grow** sii<sup>3</sup> *v*.; vɛsɪ *v*. **grow old** hɪɛ̃̃*v*. **grumble** ŋmʊʊrɪ *v*. **guilt** tʃelle<sup>2</sup> *n*. **guinea corn** mɪɪ̃̃*n*. **guinea corn (cooked)** tɪmpitie *n*. **guinea corn (type of)** mɪsɪama ̃ *n*.; pogo *n*.; tʃatɪ *n*. **guinea fowl** sũũ *n*. **guinea worm** ɪã̃ *n*. **gum** tɪl *n*. **gum (tree)** tʃel *n*. **gun** maafa *n*. **Gurumbele (lect of)** bɛlɪlɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **Gurumbele (person from)** bɛlɪlɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **gutter (bathroom)** tʃitʃarabʊa *n*. **gutter (roof)** tʃitʃasɔrɪɪ *n*.

# **h**

**habit (drinking)** sɪŋɲʊhã *n*. **habitually** jaa *pv*. **hail** dobii *n*. **hair** pʊŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **hairdressing (type of)** ɲupɛrɪɪ *n*.; ɲuvɔwɪɪ *n*. **half** kamboro *n*. **half asleep** daari *v*. **half of a bird** kie *n*. **half side** loguŋbɛmbɛl *n*. **half-full** logo *v*. **half-sibling** ɲɪnabie<sup>1</sup> *n*. **hall** lumbu *n*.; zaŋtʃagalɪŋ *n*. **hallucination** gagamɪ *n*. **ham** nããkorbʊa *n*. **hamerkop** samkpaŋtuluŋu *n*.; saŋgbaŋdugulee *n*. **hammer** hamba *n*. **hammer (lightly)** tama *v*. **hammock** dʒʊɔŋ *n*. **hand** neŋ *n*.; nepɪɛl *n*. **hand (back of)** nepɪɛlgantal *n*. **hand (palm of)** nepɪɛlpatʃɪgɪɪ *n*.; netisiŋ *n*. **hand up** tala *v*. **handkerchief** aŋkɪtɪ *n*. **handle** neŋbakpagɪɪ *n*. **hang** laga *v*. **hang limp** loori *v*. **happiness** balalla *n*.

**happy** basʊɔna *n*.; patʃɪgɪtʊɔra *n*. **happy (be)** sʊɔnɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*. **harassment** fɪnɪ ̃ ɪ̃̃*n*. **hard** kpege<sup>1</sup> *v*.; kpegii *n*. **hardship** nʊnnʊŋ<sup>3</sup> *n*. **harmattan** gbaŋgbaŋ *n*. **harmonize** gbɪasɪ<sup>1</sup> *pl.v*. **harsh (be)** ɲaga<sup>2</sup> *v*. **hartebeest** lɔʊ *n*. **harvest** aarɪ *v*.; kʊma *v*.; ŋmɛna<sup>3</sup> *v*. **harvest (shea)** pinti<sup>2</sup> *n*. **harvest second yam** wo<sup>1</sup> *v*. **Hasik (person's name)** hasɪg *nprop*. **hasten** poleme *v*. **hat** ɲintʃige *n*. **hatch** tesi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **hate** hã *v*. **Hausa** zaŋgbɪɛra *nprop*. **have** kpaga<sup>1</sup> *v*. **Hayong (person's name)** hajoŋ *nprop*. **he** ʊ *pro*.; ʊʊwa *pro*.; waa *pro*. **he-goat** bʊʊŋbal *n*. **head** ɲuu<sup>1</sup> *n*. **head hair** ɲupʊŋ *n*. **head of animal** ɲukpulii *n*. **headache** ɲuwɪɪla *n*. **headache (frontal)** ɲuufugo *n*. **headgear** tʃiime *n*. **headpan** tasazeŋ *n*. **heal** ŋmɪɪrɪ *v*.

**healer** lulibummojaar *n*.; paatʃakjaara *n*.; patʃakjaar *n*. **health (good)** laanfɪa *n*. **hear** nʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>1</sup> *v*. **heart** begii *n*. **heat** nʊma<sup>1</sup> *v*. **heat a wound** ɲagasɪ *v*. **heaven** arɪdʒana *n*. **heavy** jugii *n*. **hedgehog** ɲagenpentii *n*. **heel** nããlumo *n*. **heifer** nɔ̃lor *n*. **height** zɪŋɪɪ *n*. **help** sʊmmɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tiise *v*. **helper** susummana *n*. **helpful** sɔŋtɪɪna *n*. **helpless child** ɲanʊgɪɪ *n*. **hen** zapuo *n*. **hen (bush)** bʊzaal *n*. **henna** dʒabelaŋ *n*. **herbalist** patʃakjaar *n*. **herd** gbaa *v*. **herder** gbaar *n*. **here** baaŋ<sup>1</sup> *adv*. **hernia** pʊɔga *n*. **hide** pumo<sup>1</sup> *v*.; sogoli<sup>1</sup> *v*. **hiding** pumii<sup>1</sup> *n*. **high (be)** gatɪ *v*. **highland** kuŋkuŋ *n*. **hill gradient** gimii *n*. **hinder** teŋe<sup>3</sup> *v*. **hinge (door)** lɛʊra *n*.

**hip** tʃɛrbʊa *n*. **hippopotamus** bʊnʊ̃hʊ̃*n*. **hire** ha *v*. **hit** gogo *v*.; jaga<sup>1</sup> *v*.; jagasɪ *pl.v*.; vɪra *v*. **hit down repeatedly** pɪla *v*. **hoe** par *n*. **hoe (type of)** pagbɛtɪɪ *n*.; patɪla *n*.; pawie *n*.; pazeŋ *n*.; sããdiilii *n*.; sããgbulie *n*.; sããtʃɔŋ *n*. **hoe blade** pabii *n*. **hold** kogo *v*.; kpaga<sup>3</sup> *v*.; tʃɛwa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **hold on** kpaga kaalɪ *cpx.v*. **hole** bʊɔ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **hole (grave)** bʊabie *n*. **holey** zagatɪ *v*. **hollow (be)** pɛna<sup>2</sup> *v*. **hollow behind the collarbone** bagɛnbʊa *n*. **homer** dendilsaŋana *n*. **honest (be)** degini<sup>3</sup> *v*. **honest (person)** nɪbupʊmma *n*.; nɪbuwerii *n*. **honey** tʊ̃ʊ̃*n*. **hooked (be)** goro<sup>1</sup> *v*. **hoot at** woori *v*. **hope** liisi<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tamãã *n*. **hopping (one leg)** nããkeliŋke *n*. **horn** ɲɪŋdaa *n*. **horn flute** kabɪl *n*. **horse** kɪnzɪnɪɪ *n*. **hospital** asɪbɪtɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **hot** nʊma<sup>1</sup> *v*.; nʊmɪɪ *n*.; nʊŋ *v*. **hot (be)** bɔma<sup>3</sup> *v*.

**hot (feeling)** nʊnnʊŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **hour** gbeliŋ *n*. **house** dɪa *n*. **how** ɲɪnɪɛ̃̃*interrog*. **how many** ŋmɛna<sup>1</sup> *interrog*. **how much** ŋmɛna<sup>1</sup> *interrog*. **human being** nɪɪbuluŋ *n*. **human entity particle** nɪ**hump** gʊma<sup>1</sup> *n*. **hunchback** gʊmatɪɪna *n*. **hundred** kɔwa *num*. **hunger** lʊsa *n*. **hunt** kpããnɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; sɛwa *v*.

# **i**

**idol (type of)** tɔmɪɪ *n*. **if** dɪ<sup>1</sup> *conn*. **if so** amɪɛ̃̃*conn*. **ignite** ŋmɛna *v*.; tʃogo *v*. **ill** wɪɪ *v*. **illegitimate child** sansanbie *n*. **imam** limaan *n*. **imitate** dɪŋa *v*.; tʃaasɪ *v*. **imitating** sɪa *n*. **immediately** baaŋ *pv*. **imperfective** dɪ *pv*. **impotent** hambara *n*. **imprison** tɔ<sup>4</sup> *v*. **improper** kʊlʊmbʊl *n*. **in (be)** dʊa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **in line** jɔrɔtɔ *ideo*.

**hunter** naŋkpããŋ *n*. **hunter rank** digboŋ *n*.; kurungboŋ *n*.; nbuoɲɔ̃*n*. **hunting period** naŋkpããlɪŋ *n*. **hurry (in a)** nʊmanʊma *ideo*. **husband** baal<sup>2</sup> *n*. **husk** hããsa *n*. **hut (farm)** laʊ *n*. **hyena (type of)** badaarɛ *n*.; dambɪa *n*.; kpatakpalɛ *n*.; siŋsigirii *n*.; tebintɪɪna *n*.; tʊ̃ʊ̃*n*.; zɛpɛgor *n*. **hypocrite** ɲuudʊr *n*. **I** mɪŋ *pro*.; n *pro*.; nwa *pro*.

**in spite of** anɪ a muŋ *adv.phr*. **in that case** amɪɛ̃̃*conn*. **in vain** baga *adv*. **in-law** hɪla *n*. **in-law (brother)** datʃɪbaal *n*. **in-law (brother, sister)** datʃɪɛ *n*. **in-law (father)** hɪlɪbaal *n*. **in-law (mother)** hɪlɪhããŋ *n*. **in-law (sister)** datʃɪhããŋ *n*. **inability** gbɛtɪ *v*. **inability to sleep** sii baraga *n*. **inactive (be)** kʊɔlɛ *v*. **incline** keŋe *v*. **increase** pɛ *v*. **increase in weight** dusi *v*. **incubation (hen)** pumii<sup>2</sup> *n*.

**independent (be)** weti<sup>1</sup> *v*. **indicate** tʃagalɪ *v*. **indiscreet (person)** nʊ̃ãtɪɪna *n*. **inevitably** hur *n*. **inexpensive** haraha *n*. **inexperienced (with men)** su hããŋ *v*. **infection** tʃɔzʊʊr *n*. **inferior** wɔlɪɪ<sup>3</sup> *n*. **infertile land** lalasa *n*. **infest** dugo *v*. **inflate** fʊʊsɪ *v*. **information** duoso *n*. **inhabit** tʃige<sup>2</sup> *v*. **inhabit (spiritually)** diesi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **inhabitant** dɪɪl *n*. **initiate** ta<sup>2</sup> *v*. **initiation (type of)** fiile *n*.; ɲʊasɪ *n*. **inject** tawa *v*. **injure** pɪra *v*. **injured** wɪɪlɪɪ *n*. **insect (type of)** baɲʊ̃ãluro *n*.; batɪʊ̃̃ *n*.; daadugo *n*.; dunlatuo *n*.; ise<sup>1</sup> *n*.; kuukuu *n*.; naʊpɪŋa *n*.; nɔpɪŋa *n*.; peomãã *n*.; tʃaaŋtʃɪɪŋ *n*.; tʃɪnɪnɪ *n*.; tʃɔgɪɪ *n*. **insert** pɔ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>1</sup> *v*.

# **j**

**jathropha** nakuŋ *n*. **jaundice** nɪɪsɔta *n*. **jaw** ɛgla *n*.

**inserted (be)** tʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>1</sup> *v*. **inside** patʃɪgɪɪ<sup>3</sup> *reln*. **inside the village** tɔʊpatʃɪgɪɪ *n*. **insincerity** dʊnkafuuri *n*. **insist** tiine *v*. **insufficient (be)** bowo *v*. **insult** lɔ *v*.; zoŋ *n*.; zoŋbii *n*. **insult (type of)** nʊʊkpuogohɛna *n*.; ʃʊ̃ɛ̃ɛ̃*interj*. **intentionally (do)** paga *v*. **interest (someone)** dɪŋʊ *n*. **interruptive** wɪzʊʊr *n*. **intersection** tʃarga *n*. **intestine** looto *n*. **intestine (big)** lootozeŋ *n*. **intestine (small)** lootowie *n*. **invalidity** gbɛtɪ *v*. **investigate** pɪasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **iron** lʊgɪɪ *n*.; nama<sup>1</sup> *v*. **Islam** jarɪɪ *n*. **issue** wɪɪ *n*. **it** ʊ *pro*.; ʊʊwa *pro*.; waa *pro*. **itch** tʊrɪgɪ *v*. **item (necessary)** bɔŋbɔwa *n*. **ivory** bɔlaɲɪŋ *n*.

**jaw (lower)** lɛdaa<sup>1</sup> *n*. **jealousy** handɔŋmɪɪsa *n*. **Jebuni (person's name)** dʒebuni

lament

# *nprop*.

**jewellery (type of)** kpaga *n*. **join** pusi<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tʃonsi<sup>1</sup> *v*.; zʊʊ<sup>3</sup> *v*. **joke** sããnɪ *v*. **joking partner** nasããŋ *n*. **joy (do with)** ɲaŋsɪ *v*.

# **k**

**Kala (person's name)** kala<sup>1</sup> *nprop*. **Kandia village** kandɪa<sup>2</sup> *nprop*. **kapok** koŋ *n*. **Katua (lect of)** katʊɔlɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **Katua (person from)** katʊɔlɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **Katua village** katʊɔ *nprop*. **keep** kpaga kaalɪ *cpx.v*.; pɔ<sup>3</sup> *v*. **keep (tell to)** pusi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **keep from falling** kogo *v*. **keep long** birgi *v*. **kenkey** daakʊnʊ *n*. **kerosene** karansiin *n*. **kettle** buuta *n*. **key** gborobii *n*.; safibii *n*. **key (car)** lɔɔlɪgbɛrbɪɪ *n*. **kick** maŋa<sup>2</sup> *v*. **kidney** suoŋbii *n*.

# **l**

**labour (extensive)** paanʊ̃ã *n*. **lack** ɲãã<sup>1</sup> *v*. **ladder** sanzɪŋ *n*.

**jump** loŋŋi<sup>1</sup> *v*.; zaasɪ *pl.v*. **jump (fowl)** pati *v*. **jump down** tʃiŋisi *v*. **junction** tiwiitʃaraga *n*. **junior** hamɔ̃ŋ *n*. **just** baaŋ *pv*.

**kidney stones** suoŋbigarɪga *n*. **kill** kpʊ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **kitchen** dindɪa *n*.; diŋbamɔsɪɪ *n*. **knead** ʊtɪ *v*. **knee** nããhũũ *n*. **kneecap** nããhũfɔwie *n*. **kneel** gbinti *v*. **knife** kisie *n*. **knock** jaga<sup>1</sup> *v*.; kpaasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tʃasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **knock bark off** pomo *v*. **know** zɪma *v*. **knowledge** naŋzɪma *n*. **knowledgeable** siilalla *n*.; zɪmna *n*. **kob** wɪlɪʊ *n*. **kola nut** guori *n*.; kapʊsɪɛ *n*. **Kole (person's name)** kole *nprop*. **Kpong village** kpoŋ *nprop*.

**lamb** pelor *n*. **lamb (ram)** pembelee *n*. **lament** mɔsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.

**lamp** dintɪna *n*.; diŋtʃããŋ *n*. **landlord** dɪatɪɪna *n*.; tindaana *n*.; tɔʊtɪɪna *n*. **lane** fɔgbaaŋ *n*. **language** taa *n*. **language (foreign)** naasartaa *n*. **lantern** dintɪna *n*.; diŋtʃããŋ *n*. **lantern (type of)** najɛliŋgbielie *n*. **lantern holder** diŋtʃããŋdaa *n*. **lantern oil** karansiin *n*. **large** badaazenie *n*.; zene *v*. **large (make)** peuli *v*. **last** birgi *v*. **lateral goitre** bagɛnapʊɔgɪɪ *n*. **laterite** ɲãŋŋa *n*. **laugh** mʊma<sup>1</sup> *v*. **laughing** mʊmɪɪ *n*. **laughter** mʊma *n*. **laughter (stifled)** murisi *v*. **law** beŋ *n*. **lawyer** lɔja *n*. **lay eggs** ɲã<sup>2</sup> *v*. **lay head on** sɪla *v*. **laziness** bawɪɪha<sup>2</sup> *n*.; zʊ̃ʊ̃*n*. **laziness (dog)** bɛʊ *n*. **lazy** bajʊɔra *n*. **lazy (be)** jaarɪ *v*. **lead** gara<sup>3</sup> *v*.; kpãnna *n*. **leader** suuter *n*. **leaf** paatʃag *n*. **leaf (baobab)** sãŋkumsɔna *n*.; tolipaatʃag *n*.

**leaf (bean)** sɪgpaatʃag *n*. **leaf (black berry)** sʊamanzɪga *n*. **leaf (cassava)** kpõŋkpõŋpaatʃag *n*. **leaf (onion)** gaabu *n*. **leaf (tobacco)** tɔʊpaatʃaga *n*. **leaf (type of)** bɪɛl *n*. **leaf (white bean)** sʊɔsa *n*. **leak** lɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; lulo *v*.; sɔra *v*. **lean against** tele *v*.; telegi *pl.v*. **lean back** jalasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **lean on** pɛla *v*. **learn** zɪgɪtɪ *v*. **leave** gɪla<sup>2</sup> *v*.; ta<sup>1</sup> *v*. **left** gal<sup>2</sup> *reln*. **left (side)** gal<sup>1</sup> *n*. **left-over (fufu)** kapalasɔŋ *n*. **leg** nãã<sup>1</sup> *n*. **leg (amputated)** nããkputi *n*. **leg (front)** vaaŋ *n*. **leg (hind)** hĩĩ *n*. **lend** tʃɪma *v*. **length** zɪŋɪɪ *n*. **leopard** bʊɔmanɪɪ *n*.; nebietɪɪna *n*.; ɲuwietɪɪna *n*. **leper** zagan *n*. **leprosy** zagansa *n*. **less (make)** fɔgɔsɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **let** gɪla<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tɪɛ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **let free** ta<sup>1</sup> *v*. **lethargic (be)** kʊɔlɛ *v*. **level** buti *v*. **liar** patʃɪgɪbummo *n*.

**lick** lenti *v*. **lie** dara *v*.; hɛŋsɪ *v*.; mʊga *v*.; tʃʊa *v*. **lie across** gara<sup>2</sup> *v*.; kagalɛ *v*. **lie on stomach** pu<sup>2</sup> *v*. **lie on top** saga<sup>1</sup> *v*. **life** mɪɪbʊa<sup>2</sup> *n*. **lifestyle** dɪŋʊ *n*. **lift arm** hãã<sup>2</sup> *v*. **light** diŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*.; fʊga<sup>1</sup> *v*. **lightning initiation** duoŋsɔɪ *n*. **like** kii<sup>1</sup> *conn*.; kii<sup>2</sup> *v*.; nɔŋa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **like that** keŋ *adv*. **like this** nɪŋ *adv*. **limb** badaa *n*. **limp** duŋusi *v*.; zeŋsi *v*. **limping** nããgbaŋzeŋe *n*. **line** tʃʊar *n*. **lines (make)** pɪɪgɪ *pl.v*. **linguist** kpambɪa *n*. **liniment tree** pontii *n*. **lion** dʒɛtɪ *n*.; ɲuzeŋtɪɪna *n*. **lip** nʊ̃tunii *n*. **liquid (of sore)** nɪɪpʊmma<sup>1</sup> *n*. **liquid (type of)** dɔnɪɪ *n*. **listen** nʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>1</sup> *v*. **little** finii *ints*.; ɲegeke *ideo*.; tantama *ideo*. **live** zʊʊ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **liver** pʊal *n*. **lizard (type of)** dʒɛdʒɛrɪ *n*.; gagatin *n*.; ger *n*.; gɛgɛra *n*.; gɛgɛta *n*.; gbaga **load** bʊ̃ŋ *n*. **load (gun)** pama *v*. **load-support** tʃemii *n*. **Lobi** lobi *n*. **location (type of)** bagorii<sup>1</sup> *n*.; bagorii<sup>2</sup> *n*.; bɪntuk *n*.; bʊntʊɔna<sup>2</sup> *n*.; daamuŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*.; dendil *n*.; duguŋ *n*.; gbʊgʊl *n*.; laŋzaŋ *n*.; sɪnlɔg *n*.; zapɛga *n*. **lock** hara *v*. **locust (type of)** zɪnahɔ̃ʊ̃*n*. **log** daakputii<sup>1</sup> *n*.; dolo *n*. **log part** daabii *n*. **lonely (person)** nɪdɪgɪmaŋa *n*. **long (be)** zɪŋa *v*. **long and thin** vɪnnɪnnɪ *ideo*. **look at** fɪɪlɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **look different** tʃɛrɪgɪ *v*. **look to** buure<sup>4</sup> *v*. **loose** paani *v*. **loose (be)** kɔla<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tɔgɔlɪ *v*. **loose (make)** folo *v*. **lose sight of** ɲʊŋsɪ *v*. **lose weight** fuori<sup>2</sup> *v*. **loser (person)** tʊɔlɛɛ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **loss** bɔna *n*. **lost (get)** ɲʊŋsɪ *v*. **louse** kpibii *n*. **love** buure<sup>3</sup> *v*.; nɔŋa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **lover** sɔnna *n*. **low land** falɪŋ *n*. **low-toned (be)** sʊɔnɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.

# lick

*n*.; tiwiibaŋlɛŋgeregie *n*.

### masticate

### lower

**lower** tɪna *v*. **lower back** fʊ̃ʊ̃*n*. **lower than expectation** tʃʊma<sup>3</sup> *v*. **loyal (person)** wɪdɪɪŋtɪɪna *n*. **luck** sʊma *v*. **luck (bad)** ɲubɔŋ *n*. **luck (have)** ɲusʊŋ *v*. **lukewarm** tɔlatɔla *ideo*. **lumps** luguso *pl.n*. **lumpy (be)** lugusi<sup>1</sup> *v*.

# **m**

**maize** mɪŋmɛna *n*.; ɲammɪɪ *n*. **maize cob** ɲammɪdaa *n*. **maize husk** ɲammɪpɛtɪɪ *n*. **maize silk** zɔgsɪɛŋ *n*. **maize tassel** fɔgɔl<sup>2</sup> *n*. **make** kʊɔrɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **make hole** ludi *v*. **make love** buure<sup>3</sup> *v*. **make soft** bugo<sup>1</sup> *v*. **malaria** sɔnɪɛ̃̃<sup>2</sup> *n*. **male** baal<sup>1</sup> *n*. **male (handsome)** binʊaŋ *n*. **male pubic hair** peŋpʊŋ *n*. **malnourished child** ɲɛ̃sa *n*. **malt** tamputie *n*. **malt (guinea corn)** kɔmɪã̃ *n*. **man** baal<sup>1</sup> *n*.; nɪbaal *n*. **man (old)** bahɪɛ̃̃*n*. **man (young)** bipɔlɪɪ *n*. **manager (farm)** kuonɪhɪɛ̃̃*n*.

**lung** fɔfɔta *n*. **lung pains** fɔfɔtɪwɪɪla *n*. **lying flat** hambajala *n*. **lytta** nʊ̃hɛŋ *n*. **machine** mããnsɪŋ *n*. **mad (person)** galaŋzʊʊr *n*. **madness** galaŋa *n*. **maggot (type of)** dʊnsɪɪ *n*. **mahogany** prɪŋ *n*.

**mandible (head)** lotoremuŋ *n*. **mane** lʊɔŋ *n*. **mango** mõŋgo *n*. **Mangu (person's name)** ŋmããŋʊ *nprop*. **manhood** baalɪɪ *n*. **manipulate** tiiri *v*. **manner** nãã<sup>2</sup> *n*. **many** kɪŋkaŋ *quant*. **mark** dããna *n*.; pɛmpɛl *n*.; pɪɪ̃̃*v*.; sige *v*.; tii<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tii<sup>2</sup> *v*.; wɪl *n*. **mark (animal)** dããnɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **mark (mouth)** nʊ̃ãtʃʊar *n*. **market** jɔwa *n*. **marks (make)** pɪɪgɪ *pl.v*. **marry** jʊʊ *v*.; kpa<sup>3</sup> *v*.; paa<sup>2</sup> *pl.v*. **mash** purusi *v*.; tʃɛma *v*. **mason** meesin *n*. **masquerade (funeral)** sɪgmaa *n*. **master** dʒɪga *v*. **masticate** tʃagamɪ *v*.

**mat** kalɛŋ *n*.; kɪntʃʊalɪɪ *n*. **mat (door)** dʒaana *n*. **mat (grass)** pɪsa *n*. **matches** maŋkɪsɪ *n*. **maternal lineage** mããbise *n*. **matter** wɪɪ *n*. **matter (trivial)** wɪllaaŋ *n*. **mattress** kɪntʃʊalɪɪ *n*. **mature** dʒɪga *v*. **maybe** a bɔnɪɛ̃̃nɪ *adv.phr*. **meal** kɪndiilii *n*. **meaning** muŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **measles** takatʃuune *n*. **measure** maŋsɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **measurement (farm)** gala *n*.; kagal *n*.; kogulii *n*.; naakpaaga *n*. **meat** namɪã̃ *n*.; naŋguruŋ *n*. **meat (boiled)** nantɔŋɪɪ *n*. **meat (forbidden)** bulumbunti *n*. **meat (porcupine)** saŋɲammɪɪ *n*. **meat (raw)** nãnhuor *n*. **meat (type of)** naŋfɛŋta *n*. **meat for sale** nambɛra *n*. **Mecca** maka *n*. **medical powder** lulisaʊ *n*. **medicine** lulii *n*. **medicine (type of)** asɪbɪtɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*.; birisitɔʊ *n*.; bʊkʊrʊra *n*.; gbaraga<sup>2</sup> *nprop*.; lulibummo *n*.; naasaarlulii *n*.; nigimiilulii *n*.; sɛl *n*. **meet** tʃeme *v*. **meeting** lagamɪɪ *n*.; mintiŋ *n*.

**melt** ŋmɪɛrɪ *v*. **members of a paternal relation** ɲɪnawɔlɛɛ *pl.n*. **membrane** pɛtɪdɪndagal *n*. **menses** doŋojaɪ *n*.; nɪsɔnɪɪ *n*. **menstruate** tʃagasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **menstruating (person)** tʃagtʃagasa<sup>2</sup> *n*. **message** hẽsee *n*. **metal (type of)** daɲɛ̃*n*. **metamorphose** bɪrgɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **metre** mita *n*. **middle** bambaaŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*.; bambaaŋ<sup>2</sup> *reln*.; galɪŋga *reln*. **midnight** tɔhɪɛ̃̃*n*. **mile** meeli *n*. **mill** fɪɛbɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; nɪkanɪka *n*. **millet** zul *n*. **millet ergot (fungi) disease** naŋgʊɔŋ *n*. **millipede (type of)** haliŋguomii *n*.; nʊ̃ʊ̃manɪɛr *n*. **mimic** tʃaasɪ *v*. **minute** minti *n*.; tɪla *quant*. **miscarry** vɪɛrɪ *v*. **miserliness** siitɪɪna *n*. **misery** sigii *n*. **miss out** gara *v*. **mist** mɛŋ *n*. **mistake (make)** pʊtɪ *n*.; tulemi *v*. **mistake (to do by)** tulemi *v*. **mix** bũũ *v*.; kuosi *v*. **mixture of kinds** dʒaabɪrɪdʒa *n*.

## mocking

**mocking** sɪa *n*. **mocking relation** nasata *n*. **molar** paŋ *n*. **mole** saŋkpaŋzɪgɪl *n*. **mollusc (type of)** kpãnna *n*. **Monday** atanɪɛ̃̃*n*. **money** molebii *n*. **mongoose (type of)** maɲãɔ̃ *n*.; maɲãɔ̃tuogu *n*.; watʃɛhɛɛ *n*. **monitor** dããnɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **monitor lizard (type of)** bãã *n*.; badʒɔgʊ *n*. **monkey** gbɪã̃ *n*.; neŋgaltɪɪna *n*. **monkey (type of)** foori *n*.; gbɪãsɪama ̃ *n*.; kanɪɛ̃̃*n*.; polpiesii *n*. **monkey's scream** angum *ono*. **moon** bʊɔga *n*.; pɛna *n*. **more than (do)** gara<sup>3</sup> *v*. **morning** tʃʊɔsa *n*.; tʃʊɔsɪn pɪsa *n. phr*. **morsel** bɔtɪɪ *n*. **mortar** tuto *n*. **mortar (centre)** tutosii *n*. **mortar (farm)** kuotuto *n*. **mosque** wʊzaandɪa *n*. **mosquito** zoŋgoree *n*. **mother** mãã *n*. **mother (new)** hasʊɔŋ *n*. **mother's brother** nããtɪɪna *n*.; nɪɛra *n*. **mother's senior sister** mããhɪɛ̃̃<sup>1</sup> *n*. **mother's younger sister** mããwie<sup>1</sup> *n*. **Motigu (lect of)** mɔtigii<sup>2</sup> *n*.

**Motigu (person from)** mɔtigii<sup>1</sup> *n*. **motion (manner)** felfel *ideo*. **motorbike** pupu *n*. **motorbike (type of)** rɔbarɔba *n*. **mould** mɔ *v*. **moult** wire<sup>3</sup> *v*. **mound (form)** tɔ<sup>5</sup> *v*. **mourn** mɔsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **mouse (type of)** dagboŋo *n*.; gʊɔrɛɛ *n*.; mandʊɔgɪɪ *n*.; ol *n*.; ombul *n*.; onsɪaŋ *n*.; ontolee *n*.; onzasɪɪ *n*.; tugul *n*. **mouth** nʊ̃ã<sup>1</sup> *n*. **move** kiige *v*.; vige *v*. **move (up and down)** tʃɔgsɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **move (wavily)** tuuri<sup>2</sup> *v*. **move neck** leŋsi *v*. **move over** tʊsɪ *v*. **move with difficulty** talɪmɪ *v*. **much** kɪŋkaŋ *quant*. **mud** vɛtɪɪ *n*. **mud (bank)** hɪhɪ ̃ ɪ̃̃*n*. **mud block** haglɪbii *n*. **multi-storey building** dɪsugulii *n*. **multiply** tʃaga *v*.; ugo<sup>1</sup> *v*. **mumps** tʃaaŋtʃɪnsa *n*. **murder** kpʊ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **murderer** nɪbukpʊr *n*. **Musa (person's name)** mʊsaa *nprop*. **muscle pain** nampuniiwɪɪla *n*. **Muslim** jarɪɛ *n*. **must** foo<sup>2</sup> *conn*. **mute (person)** woŋ *n*.

## nag

# **n**

**nag** tinti *v*.; zaa paari *v*. **nail** kpaasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **nail (metal)** hembii *n*. **naive (person)** tʃɔgɪɪ *n*. **naked** bakpal *n*. **name** sɔŋ *n*. **namesake** tɔgama<sup>1</sup> *n*. **narrate** bɪɪsɪ *v*. **narrow** fɔrɪɪ *n*. **narrow (be)** fɔra<sup>2</sup> *v*. **nasal congestion** mɪɪfɔtɪɪ *n*. **nausea (have)** hogo *v*. **navel** ul *n*. **near** dʊgʊlɪ *v*. **necessary (be)** daga *v*. **necessity** kparaama *n*. **neck** bagɛna *n*. **neck of a container** viibagɛna *n*. **needle (type of)** nɪɛ̃̃sa *n*.; pɪraago *n*. **neem tree** naasaarsɪŋtʃaʊ *n*. **negative action** dawarɛ *n*. **negligent (be)** faasɪ *v*. **neighbours** zʊʊdɔŋa<sup>2</sup> *pl.n*. **nest** zaŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **nest (guinea fowl)** tuk *n*. **never dance (person)** sɔgbɪarɪ *n*. **new** fɔlɪɪ *n*.; fɔŋfɔŋ *ideo*. **newness** tʃɛ̃ɪ̃*interj*.

**nice (be)** lɛma<sup>2</sup> *v*. **nickname** sɔŋgɪɛgɪɪ *n*. **night** baratʃɔgɔʊ *n*.; sankara *n*.; tebin *n*. **night blindness** teteŋse *n*. **nine** dɪgɪɪtuo *num*. **nineteen** fididɪgɪɪtuo *num*. **ninth month** sʊnkarɛ *nprop*. **nipple** ɪlnʊ̃ã *n*. **no** aɪ *interj*. **nod** gusi *v*. **noise** gbaŋasa *n*.; tʃɪãma ̃ <sup>1</sup> *n*. **noise (make)** kɪɛmɪ *v*.; tʃɪãmɪ ̃ *v*. **noise (type of)** tʃɪɪ̃ŋgbaŋsii ̃ *n*. **non-resident** tɔbou *n*. **north** kandɪa<sup>1</sup> *n*. **nose** mɪɪ̃sã *n*. **nose bleed** mɪɪ̃jalɪɪ ̃ *n*. **nostril** mɪɪbʊa<sup>1</sup> *n*. **not** lɛɪ *neg*.; tɪ *neg*.; wa *pv*. **nothing** baga *adv*. **notice** kɔla<sup>2</sup> *v*. **number** namba *n*. **numbness** dadãɪ̃*n*. **nurse** nɛɛsɪ *n*. **nurse seeds** pugo *v*. **nut** ɲɔtɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **nut (half)** banpɛg *n*.

pain (be in)

# oath

# **o**

**oath** ŋmɪɛ̃̃sɪɛ *n*. **obedient** bidɪɪŋ *n*. **obey** tɪŋa<sup>2</sup> *v*. **obligatorily** baaŋ *pv*. **obstruct** laŋsɪ *v*. **odor** sʊɔra *n*. **offer willingly** tʃaŋŋɪ *v*. **offering** dʊɔ *n*. **offspring** kɪnduho *n*. **oil** nʊ̃ʊ̃*n*. **okay** ɛ̃ɛ̃*interj*.; maasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tou *interj*. **okro** ŋmɛŋ *n*. **okro (dried)** ŋmɛŋhʊlɪɪ *n*. **okro (fresh)** ŋmɛŋsɔŋ *n*. **old** bɪna *v*. **old (be)** hɪɛ̃̃sɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **omit** gara *v*. **on** nɪ *postp*. **on (be)** dʊa<sup>1</sup> *v*.; suguli<sup>2</sup> *v*. **one** dieke *num*.; dɪgɪmaŋa<sup>1</sup> *num*. **onion** albasa *n*. **only** maŋa *n*.; teŋteŋ *n*. **open** lala<sup>1</sup> *v*.; mʊma<sup>2</sup> *v*.; paani *v*.; pɪã̃ *n*. **open mouth** hãã<sup>1</sup> *v*. **operate** tʃɛwa<sup>2</sup> *v*.

# **p**

**pace** nããval<sup>2</sup> *n*. **paddler** katɪɛrɛ *n*. **opportunity (lost)** gaŋgaarʊʊ *n*. **opposite** wile *n*. **or** kaa *conn*.; ko *conn*. **orange** lumburo *n*. **orchitis** luroʔɔrɪɪ *n*. **oribi** tɛhɪɛ̃̃*n*. **originate** lɪɪ<sup>4</sup> *v*. **orphan** lalɪwie *n*.; sulumbie *n*. **other** vɪɛŋ *pv*. **otitis** dɪgɪŋlɪɪlɪɪ *n*. **outlaw** tʃelle<sup>1</sup> *n*. **outside** gantal *n*.; pɛtɪɪ *n*. **outsider (be)** lugusi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **outskirts** laŋzaŋ *n*. **oval shape** bɔɔl<sup>1</sup> *n*. **over (be)** gaali<sup>1</sup> *v*. **over-abundant (be)** gbugo *v*. **over-prune** gbɪntɪ *v*. **overcome** kpege<sup>2</sup> *v*. **overgrown (be)** kɔsɪ *v*. **overtake** kpʊ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **own way** pere *n*. **owner** tɪɪna *n*. **owner (farm)** kuotɪɪna *n*. **owner (shrine)** vʊgtɪɪna *n*.

**page** tɛl *n*. **pain (be in)** gana<sup>1</sup> *v*. **pain (body)** bawɪɪha<sup>1</sup> *n*. **paint** laarɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*. **pair** muno *n*. **pair (be in)** kpara *v*. **palaver** wɪɪ *n*. **palm tree (type of)** abɛ *n*.; benie *n*.; kpʊr *n*.; tɔta<sup>2</sup> *n*. **palm wine** sɪŋpʊmma *n*. **pamper** jɪɛsɪ *v*.; liiri<sup>2</sup> *v*. **pangolin** maŋgbɪŋ *n*. **pant** pugo *v*. **pantaloons** kuruso *n*. **pants** pata *n*. **papaya** kɔglaabʊl *n*. **paper** kadaasɪ *n*.; piipa *n*.; tɔŋ<sup>3</sup> *n*. **parasitic plant (type of)** sʊwakandikuro *n*. **parentless** nɪɲãʊ̃*n*. **parents** bilʊlla *pl.n*. **park** pakɪ *n*. **part** lie<sup>2</sup> *n*. **particular** wara *dem*. **partner** lagamɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **party** paati *n*. **pass** gaasɪ *v*.; paasɪ *v*. **pass centre** bɛga *v*. **past** fɪ *pv*. **pastor** pasɪta *n*. **path (type of)** fʊɔra *n*. **patience** kaɲeti *n*. **paw-paw** kɔglaabʊl *n*. **pay** bɔ *v*.

**pay attention to** tʃalasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **peck** tʃogo *v*.; tʃogosi *pl.v*. **peel** fʊntɪ *v*.; paasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **peep at** limmi *v*. **peg (type of)** tɔŋfɛŋtɪdaa *n*. **pelvis** nããnawɔsɪɪ *n*. **pen** kelembi *n*.; pɛn *n*. **pendant** kɪnliemii *n*. **penis** peŋ *n*. **people** nara *pl.n*.; tʊma *pl.n*.; wɔlɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*.; wɔlɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **pepper** kilimie *n*.; tʃimmãã *n*. **pepper (dried)** tʃimmehʊlɪɪ *n*. **pepper (fresh)** tʃimmesɔŋ *n*. **pepper (ground dried)** tʃimmesaʊ *n*. **perceive** na<sup>2</sup> *v*.; nʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>2</sup> *v*. **percussion instrument (type of)** nããlomo<sup>1</sup> *n*.; prɛga *n*.; tʃɪɪ̃ŋ̃ *n*. **perform (poorly)** kʊɔsɪ *v*. **perform ceremony** kʊɔrɪ<sup>5</sup> *v*. **perfume** tulaadi *n*. **perhaps** a bɔnɪɛ̃̃nɪ *adv.phr*. **period** saŋa *n*. **period (menstrual)** tʃagasɪɪ *n*. **permit** gɪla<sup>1</sup> *v*. **person** nar *n*. **person (type of)** ɲinne *n*. **person (weak)** tʊɔlɛɛ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **perspiration** wiliŋ *n*. **perspire** jala<sup>1</sup> *v*. **pestle** tundaa *n*. **pestle (piece)** tundaaboro *n*. **phlegm** kaasɪbii *n*. **pick** gbɪasɪ<sup>2</sup> *pl.v*.; keti<sup>2</sup> *v*.; kpɛtɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.

226

**pick (fruit)** kpʊra *v*. **pick fast** tuosi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **pick out** tʊasɪ *v*. **pick up** pinti<sup>1</sup> *pl.v*.; zoro *v*. **pickaxe** gaŋgalarɪ *n*.; pɪŋgaasɪ *n*. **picture** foto *n*. **pierce** pɔ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tawa *v*.; tɔsɪ *pl.v*. **pierce through** gara<sup>1</sup> *v*. **pierced (be)** nʊra *v*. **pig** parakun *n*. **pill** lulibii *n*. **pillar (type of)** zazɛhɛ̃ɛ̃*n*. **pillow** kaputi *n*. **pin** gurpe *n*.; pini *n*. **pineapple** laanfɪa *n*. **pipe** taavii *n*. **pit (natural)** zɔŋkogosɪaŋ *n*. **pito** sɪŋ *n*. **pito (fermented)** sɪŋbiilii *n*.; sɪŋsɪama *n*. **pito (less fermented)** sɪŋhũor *n*. **pito (unfermented)** sɪŋbʊl *n*.; sɪŋtʃaara *n*. **place** bar<sup>1</sup> *n*. **place (type of)** batielii *n*. **place down** tʃɪŋasɪ *v*. **place name** gunnããsɪŋtʃaʊmuŋ *nprop*.; jʊlɪŋdʊɔla *nprop*.; katʃalkpuŋiimuŋ *nprop*.; kuŋkuksɪɛŋ *nprop*.; waapɛlɛ *nprop*.; zaŋgbɪɛrɪsabulugo *nprop*. **placenta** dɔŋ *n*. **plant** dũũ *v*.; pɔ<sup>1</sup> *v*.

**plant (type of)** dʒɔra *n*.; gɔŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*.; gberegilegii *n*.; gbɛntagasɪ *n*.; kiesimunluo *n*.; ɲagɪŋ *n*.; piel *n*.; zanzɪg *n*. **plant product (type of)** gurba *n*. **plantain** bɔrdɪa *n*. **planting** pɔɪ *n*. **plaster** faarɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **plate** pɛrɛtɛ *n*. **play** dʊɔga *n*.; dʊɔgɪ *v*.; sããnɪ *v*. **playmate** nasããŋ *n*. **playmate relation** nasata *n*. **plead** mɔsɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **pleasant** lɛmɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **plenty** kana *v*. **plotting** zamba *n*. **plough** buti *v*. **pluck** gbɪasɪ<sup>2</sup> *pl.v*.; tɔrɪgɪ *pl.v*.; tɔtɪ *v*. **plug** fʊtɪ *v*. **plumage** lalaga<sup>1</sup> *n*. **pocket** dʒɪfa *n*. **pointed** pʊlapʊla *ideo*. **pointless** bagabaga *ideo*. **poison** bɛraa *n*. **pole** lɛŋ *n*.; suŋgoro *n*. **police** poruso *n*. **polish** bɛlɛgɛ *v*. **pomade** nʊ̃ʊ̃tɪtɪɪ *n*.; tulaadi *n*. **pond** gbɛtara *n*.; nɪɪtaaŋ *n*. **poor (be)** ɲãã<sup>2</sup> *v*. **poor (person)** ɲãʊ̃*n*. **porcupine (type of)** saŋ *n*. **porridge** kubii *n*.

**porridge (type of)** dʒɛbɛrɛ *n*.; kagbaama *n*.; kʊtɔra *n*.; sʊl<sup>2</sup> *n*. **porter** bʊntʊɔna<sup>1</sup> *n*.; kajajo *n*. **portion** boro *n*. **portion (unwashed)** kalɛŋtʃɪa *n*. **pot (type of)** kʊvii *n*.; leu *n*.; nɪɪɲʊarvii *n*.; sielii *n*.; sɪŋtɔg *n*.; sɪŋvii *n*.; tɔg *n*.; tʊgɪ *n*. **potassium nitrate** dʊɔ *n*.; kãʊ̃*n*. **pouch (type of)** lɔga<sup>2</sup> *n*. **pouched rat** sapuhĩẽ *n*. **pound** fɪɛbɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; sʊagɪ *v*.; tugo<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tʃasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **pound (currency)** pɔŋ *n*. **pound lightly** purusi *v*. **pour** tʃuuri<sup>1</sup> *v*. **pour all** bɪtɪ *v*. **pour down** tʃaarɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **pour libation** waasɪ *v*. **pour off** liile *v*. **pour some** jolo *v*. **pout** zʊʊnɪ *v*. **poverty** ɲãã *n*. **powder** saʊ *n*. **powder (cosmetic)** pʊɔda *n*. **power** dabaara *n*. **powerless (become)** tʊgʊsɪ *v*. **praise** ii *v*. **praise name** danta *n*.; iko *interj*.; isi *interj*.; ito *interj*.; ɪjɛ *interj*.; ɪlɛ *interj*.; ɪtʃa *interj*.; ɪwɛ *interj*.; ɲaŋu *interj*.; vɪɛhɪɛga *interj*.

**prance** vɪtɪ *pl.v*.

**pray** zaamɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **praying mantis (type of)** saleŋgoŋo *n*. **precede** bumo *v*. **precedent** sʊʊ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **prediction** vʊg *n*. **predisposed (be)** summe tuu *cpx.v*. **pregnancy** luo *n*.; tɪa<sup>1</sup> *n*. **pregnant woman** tɪɛkpagar *n*. **prepare** kʊɔrɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **prepare (new wife)** saŋasɪ *v*. **prepare skin** fʊ̃*v*. **press** ɛnsɪ *v*.; fɛrɪgɪ<sup>1</sup> *pl.v*.; fɛrɪgɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*.; fɛtɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **press out** fãã<sup>4</sup> *v*. **press together** fɔma *v*. **prey** kɪnkpagasɪɪ *n*. **price** jogulo *n*. **price (high)** jogulibɔŋ *n*. **price (low)** haraha *n*. **price (moderate)** jogulilɛŋ *n*. **price (reduce)** alɪbaraka *n*. **prick** tawa *v*.; tʃugosi *pl.v*. **prison** haradɪa *n*. **problem** nʊnnʊŋ<sup>3</sup> *n*.; tʊɔra *n*. **process** lugo<sup>2</sup> *n*.; nãã<sup>2</sup> *n*. **produce liquid** tʃaga *v*. **professional** zɪmna *n*. **profit** tɔna *n*. **prolapse of rectum** mʊmʊŋ *n*. **proliferate** ugo<sup>1</sup> *v*. **prop** logo *n*. **proper** dɪɪŋ *n*. **properly (do)** mara *pv*.

## prophecy

**prophecy** vʊta *n*. **prostitution** sansanna *n*. **protect** kisi *v*.; pɔ<sup>3</sup> *v*.; tɔ<sup>6</sup> *v*. **protect (against lightning)** sɔ duoŋ *v*. **protection** kogii *n*. **protruded (be)** zɪga *v*. **proud** basʊɔna *n*.; foro *v*. **prove** gɪla zɪma *cpx.v*. **proverb** sɪanɪã̃ *n*. **proverb (share)** ta *v*. **puerperal fever** nɪɪsɔta *n*. **pull** taragɛ *pl.v*.; tatɪ *v*.; vɪsɪ *v*. **pull out** tʃurugi *pl.v*.; tʃuti *v*. **pull out (from liquid)** luoli *v*. **pullet** zapuwie *n*. **pulsate** lugusi *v*. **pump (water)** pɔmpɪ *n*. **pumpkin plant** kawaa *n*. **punch** tʃugosi *pl.v*.

# **q**

**quarrel** tʃɪãma ̃ <sup>2</sup> *n*. **quarter** kɔta *n*. **quench** dʊsɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **quick** nʊnnʊŋ<sup>4</sup> *n*. **quickly** laga *v*.; lagalaga *ideo*.

# **r**

**rabbit** tʃuomo *n*. **rabies** gaŋ *n*.; vagan *n*. **race** batʃʊalɪɪ *n*.

**puncture** lurigi *v*.; luti *v*. **puncture (tyre)** pɔntʃa *n*. **punish** dɔgsɪ *v*. **punishment (type of)** finii *n*. **puppy** vawie *n*. **puppy (female)** valor *n*. **puppy (male)** vawalee *n*. **pure** seweree *n*.; tʃããnɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **push** ĩĩ *v*.; tuti *v*.; vige *v*.; zaga<sup>1</sup> *v*. **push down** fɛla *v*. **push up earth** uguli *v*. **put** dʊ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **put (in a row)** tʃonsi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **put arm around** faamɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; konti *v*. **put down** bile *v*.; tʃɪŋasɪ *v*. **put down brusquely** jaga<sup>2</sup> *v*. **put effort** fɪrɪgɪ *v*. **put on face down** tʃige<sup>1</sup> *v*. **put spell on** hɪwa ̃ <sup>2</sup> *v*.

**quiet (be)** sʊɔnɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; sʊ̃ʊ̃*v*. **quietly** tʃerim *ideo*. **quietness** surum *n*. **quills (porcupine)** saŋpʊŋ *n*. **quiver** tolɔg *n*.

**radio** walanse *n*. **rag** garzagatɪɪ *n*. **ragged** sʊwa<sup>2</sup> *v*.

**rain** duoŋ *n*. **rain gently** mʊsɪ *v*. **rainbow** dokagal *n*. **rainwater** donɪɪ *n*. **raise** lɛŋsɪ *v*.; sii<sup>1</sup> *v*. **raise body** deŋsi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **raised bed** jolo *n*.; sampɛntɪɛ *n*. **ram** pembal *n*. **ramrod** tʃɔ̃ɪ̃*n*. **rape** gurugi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **rapid** nʊnnʊŋ<sup>4</sup> *n*. **rash** tʃinie *n*. **rat (type of)** mʊtʊl *n*.; saabii *n*. **ravage** dugo *v*. **raw** huor *n*. **reach** bɪɛsɪ *v*.; tele *v*. **read** karɪmɪ *v*. **reading** karɪmɪɪ *n*. **ready** siri *n*. **real** dɪɪŋ *n*.; tɪntɪn<sup>2</sup> *n*. **really** tʊrɪ *v*.; tʃi *v*. **rear** dɪɛsɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **rebuke** hɔ̃sɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*. **receive** laa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **reclusive (person)** dɪgɪŋvɪɛnʊ̃ʊ̃ra *n*. **red** sɪama<sup>1</sup> *n*.; sɪarɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **red (person)** nɪbusɪama *n*. **red bean** sɪgsɪama *n*. **Red thorn** sɔsɪama *n*. **red-handed** tʃap *ideo*. **reduce** puuri *v*. **reduce by sharpening** sɛllɪ *v*.

**refuse** vɪɛ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **regularly** jaa *pv*. **rehearse** gʊɔsɪ *v*. **reject** vɪɛ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **rejected (person)** nɪvɪɛtaalɪɪ *n*. **relation (biological)** lʊl *n*. **relative** hɪɛ̃̃ŋ *n*. **release pus** vʊɔsɪ *v*. **relocate** sii<sup>2</sup> *v*. **reluctance** daraga *n*. **rely on** dɛla *v*.; jalasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **remain** tʃa *v*. **remaining** sɪŋsagal<sup>2</sup> *n*. **remember** liisi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **remind** tinti *v*. **remote (place)** bagorii<sup>2</sup> *n*. **remove** bolo *v*.; lɪsɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; lugusi *pl.v*.; ŋmʊʊrɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; wire<sup>2</sup> *v*.; wʊra *v*. **remove (shea nut)** tesi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **remove part of a whole** fɪɛrɪ *v*. **repair** kʊɔrɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*.; ligili *v*. **repair leakage** fʊtɪ *v*. **repeatedly** tuuti *ideo*. **repent** tuubi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **reply** laa<sup>3</sup> *v*. **reply to greetings** awoo *interj*. **report** puoti<sup>1</sup> *v*. **reproduce** wasɪ *v*. **reputation** sɔŋbɔŋ *n*. **resent** ɲɪma *v*. **reserve (lack of)** nʊ̃ãpʊmma *n*. **reservoir** dampʊ *n*. **resistant** kũŋsũŋ *n*.

rain

**respect** girime *n*.; kpa jug *v*.; kpa su *v*. **respect (with)** bʊɲɛ *n*. **respectfulness** hɪɪ̃sã *n*. **respond** sɪã̃ *v*. **respond to** laa<sup>3</sup> *v*. **responsibility** karɪfa *n*.; tɪŋa *n*. **rest** hĩẽsi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **rest area** zamparagɪɪ *n*.; zaŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **resting area** daamuŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **restore** ligili *v*. **retaliation** kaɲaaga *n*. **retrogress** tʃɔgɔmɪ *v*. **return** bɪra *v*. **reward** tʃɛla *v*. **rewind** guti *v*. **rheumatism** batʃasɪɛ *n*. **rib** kugdaabii *n*.; loguŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **rib cage** kugso *n*. **rice** muro *n*. **rice (grain)** murobii *n*. **rich** bundaana *n*. **ride on** zɪna<sup>1</sup> *v*. **right** dul<sup>2</sup> *reln*.; maasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **right (side)** dul<sup>1</sup> *n*. **ring** neŋgbiŋ *n*.; nepɪtɪɪ *n*. **ringworm** kawaadadag *n*. **rinse** lugusi *v*.; vaasɪ *v*. **ripe (be)** bɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; hɪɛ̃̃sɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; sɪama<sup>2</sup> *n*.; sɪarɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **ripe (stage)** mʊl *n*. **ripe (under-)** ganagana *ideo*.

**rise** jala<sup>3</sup> *v*. **rival (woman)** handɔŋ *n*. **river** gɔŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **river (big)** mʊg *n*. **river (large)** gɔŋzeŋ *n*. **river (long)** gɔŋzeŋii *n*. **river bank** gɔŋnʊ̃ã *n*. **river path** gɔŋbʊɔ *n*. **road** birindiŋ *n*.; munii *n*.; tiwii *n*. **roam** guugi *v*. **roast** wiisi<sup>1</sup> *v*.; wɔsɪ *v*. **rock** jegisi *pl.v*. **roll** bilinsi *v*. **roll up** guti *v*. **roof** juo<sup>2</sup> *v*.; pile *v*. **roof top** sabaan *n*. **roofing beam** dolo *n*.; pel *n*.; sɛŋɛbii *n*. **room (back)** dɪlumo *n*. **room-mates** zʊʊdɔŋa<sup>2</sup> *pl.n*. **root** luto *n*. **root (tree)** daaluto *n*. **rope** ŋmɛŋ *n*. **rope (make)** kala *v*. **rope (type of)** gɛnɪɛ *n*. **rotten** pʊ̃ã *v*. **rotten (almost)** kʊʊrɪ *v*. **rotten meat** tʃɔgdʊ *n*. **rough** kɔgɔsɔg *ideo*. **rough (be)** fɔna *n*. **round** go *v*. **route** nããval<sup>1</sup> *n*. **row** sãã<sup>2</sup> *v*.

**rub** biligi *v*.; fɔgɔlɪ *v*.; laarɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; liiri<sup>1</sup> *v*.; nama<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tɪga *v*.; tɪtɪ *v*.; turo<sup>1</sup> *v*. **rub along** faarɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **rubbish** vɪɛra *n*. **rude (be)** vuugi *v*. **rude (child)** bipʊ̃ã *n*.

# **s**

**sacrifice** pɔ *v*. **sadness** patʃɪgtʃɔgsa *n*. **saline soil** lɛbʊa *n*. **saliva** muŋtʊɔ *n*. **salt** jɪsa *n*. **salt (grain)** jɪbii *n*. **saltpetre** dʊɔ *n*.; kãʊ̃*n*. **same** dɪgɪmaŋa<sup>3</sup> *n*. **sample** lɛmana *n*. **sand** hagla *n*.; haglɪɪ *n*.; tagla *n*. **sandal** nããtɔʊ *n*. **sandals (type of)** nããtɔʊsɪŋgɪrɪgɪsa *n*. **sap** nɪɪpʊmma<sup>2</sup> *n*.; tɪl *n*. **satisfied (be)** pɪŋɪsɪ *pl.v*. **satisfy** pɪŋa *v*. **Saturday** asɪbɪtɪ *n*. **Sawla** sɔgla *nprop*. **Sawla (lect of)** sɔgɪlɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **Sawla (person from)** sɔgɪlɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **say** ŋma<sup>1</sup> *v*. **say (unable)** mara<sup>2</sup> *v*. **scald** foro *v*. **scare** ɔnsɪ *v*.

**run** tʃɔ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **rush** gime *v*.; poleme *v*. **rush at** gbʊʊrɪ *v*.; taarɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **rush at in anger (to)** iiri *v*. **rust** ɲã<sup>3</sup> *v*.; ɲãɪ̃*n*.

**scatter** bɪtɪ *v*.; jaarɪ *v*.; laŋsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; pɪsɪ *v*. **scattered** gatɪgatɪ *ideo*. **scent** sʊɔra *n*. **school** sukuu *n*. **scissors** ɲamɛkasa *n*. **scoop** lɔga<sup>1</sup> *v*.; lɔgɪsɪ *pl.v*.; paasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **scorpion** nʊ̃ʊ̃ma *n*. **scout** tʃosi *v*. **scrape against** faarɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **scrape off** fiise<sup>1</sup> *v*. **scraper** bɛl<sup>1</sup> *n*. **scratch** fʊrɪgɪ *v*.; lala *v*.; lɔga *v*. **scrotum** luro *n*. **sculpt** mɔ *v*. **sea** mʊg *n*. **search** buure<sup>4</sup> *v*. **season** tɔtʃaaŋ *n*.; tɔtʃaaŋbummo *n*.; tɔtʃaaŋsɪama *n*. **season (dry)** lɪmmaŋa *n*.; lʊɔŋa *n*. **season (rainy)** jʊʊ *n*. **seat** kor *n*. **second month** sɪfra *n*. **secretive** patʃɪgɪbummo *n*. **section** banɪɪ *n*.; bar<sup>1</sup> *n*.

**section of Ducie** gbʊŋwɔlɛɛ *nprop*.; kuorubanɪɪ *nprop*.; lobanɪɪ *nprop*.; paŋbanɪɪ *nprop*.; zɪŋbanɪɪ *nprop*. **security guard** wɔtʃɪmãɪ̃*n*. **see** na<sup>1</sup> *v*. **see (part)** ɲiise *v*. **seed** bii<sup>1</sup> *n*.; daanɔ̃ŋ *n*. **seed (Afzelia)** holbii *n*. **seed (Akee tree)** tibii *n*. **seed (baobab)** tolibii *n*. **seed (dawadawa)** sʊlbii *n*.; tʃɪãbii ̃ *n*.; tʃɪɪ̃̃*n*. **seed (gourd)** sar *n*.; sarabii *n*. **seed (half)** banpɛg *n*. **seed (maize)** ɲammɪbii *n*. **seed (shea nut)** tʃuoŋ *n*. **seed (type of)** ɲagɪmbii<sup>1</sup> *n*. **seed shell (Afzelia)** holnɔŋpɛtɪɪ *n*. **seed shell (dawadawa)** tʃɪãpɛtɪɪ ̃ *n*. **seedling** duho *n*. **seek** buure<sup>4</sup> *v*. **seem** dʊ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **seep out** bulo *v*. **seize** fɔsɪ *v*. **self** tɪntɪn<sup>1</sup> *n*. **self-denial** daamɪ *n*. **self-sufficient (not be)** pʊɔgɪ *v*. **sell** joguli *v*. **seller** jawadiir *n*. **selling** jogulii *n*. **semi-trailer** lɔɔlɪmunzʊalunzʊa *n*. **send** tʊma *v*.

**send (someone)** hele *v*. **senior sibling** kpɪɛma *n*. **sense** nahɪɛ̃̃*n*.; nʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>2</sup> *v*. **separate** laasi *v*.; peligi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **seriousness** sisɪama *n*. **set fire** tɔga *v*. **set in a direction** degini<sup>1</sup> *v*. **set up roofing structure** dɛwa *v*. **settle** saŋa<sup>2</sup> *v*. **settlement** bɪa *n*.; saal<sup>1</sup> *n*.; tɔʊ *n*. **settlement (deserted)** dabuo *n*. **seven** alʊpɛ *num*.; lʊpɛ *num*. **seventeen** fidalʊpɛ *num*. **seventh month** kpinitʃuu *nprop*. **sew** ɔra *v*. **sewing machine** tiila *n*. **sexton** pel *n*. **shade** basɔŋ *n*. **shade (yam mounds)** pasɪ *v*. **shake** jege *v*.; jegisi *pl.v*.; pisi *v*.; wisi *v*.; zagalɪ *v*.; zagasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; zigilii *v*. **shake (make)** ziige *v*. **shake head** viigi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **shake up** jerisi *v*. **shallow** tɪsɪ *v*. **shape** bilesi *pl.v*. **share** paragɛ *v*.; totii *n*.; zuu *n*. **sharp (be)** di<sup>3</sup> *v*. **sharpen** kɔla *v*.; sɪsɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **shave** fʊna *v*.; wire<sup>2</sup> *v*. **shaving knife** fʊ̃ŋ *n*. **she** ʊ *pro*.; ʊʊwa *pro*.; waa *pro*.

**shea butter** nʊ̃ʊ̃*n*. **shea nut seed** tʃuoŋ *n*. **shea tree** suoŋ *n*. **sheath** tʊ̃ã *n*. **shed** luore *v*. **sheep** penɪɪ *n*.; piesii *n*. **sheet** tɛl *n*. **shell** wɔra *v*. **shell (palm nut)** kokobeg *n*. **shilling** sulee *n*. **shine** lɪɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*.; ɲalsɪ *v*.; tʃããnɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **shirt** takta *n*. **shiver** zigilii *v*. **shoe** nããtɔʊ *n*. **shoemaker** nããtɔʊkʊɔr *n*. **shoes (pair)** nããtɔwa *n*. **shop** sɪtɔɔ *n*. **shore** mʊgnʊ̃ã *n*. **short** boro *v*. **shoulder** ɛmbɛlɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **shoulder blade** vaaŋpɛr *n*. **shoulder joint** ɛmbɛltʃugul *n*. **shout** gbieli *v*.; hɔ̃sɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; hũũsi *v*.; tʃaasi *v*.; uori *v*. **shove** tʃugo<sup>1</sup> *v*. **shovel** sɔbʊl *n*. **show** tʃagalɪ *v*. **show-off** taŋkama *n*. **shrine** vʊg *n*. **shrine (Buge)** kala<sup>2</sup> *nprop*. **shrine (Bulenga)** safokala *nprop*. **shrine (Gbanwale)** gbaraga<sup>1</sup> *nprop*.

**shrine (Gurumbele)** daabãŋtolugu *nprop*. **shrine (Holumuni)** dɔga *nprop*. **shrine (Motigu)** haŋtʃele *nprop*.; liegu *nprop*. **shrine (Sawla)** kʊɔlɪ *nprop*. **shrink** zʊgʊsɪ *v*. **shrub (type of)** gagtɪ *n*.; miimi *n*.; muŋtuolie *n*. **shut up** tʃʊa *interj*. **shyness** hɪɪ̃sã *n*. **sibling (younger)** mããbie<sup>1</sup> *n*. **sick** wɪɪ *v*.; wɪɪlɪɪ *n*. **sick (be)** gɛrɛgɛ *v*. **sick (person)** dʒɛrgɪɪ *n*.; gɛrɛgɪɪ *n*. **sickness** banʊma *n*.; dʒɛrɛga *n*.; gɛrɛga *n*.; wɪɪla *n*. **sickness (type of)** kpantɪɪ *n*.; tɔŋa *n*. **side** loguŋ<sup>2</sup> *reln*.; pe *n*. **sieve** dʒɪɛra *n*.; mɛŋŋɪ1̃ *v*.; toŋsi<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tʃesi *v*. **sift** tʃesi *v*. **sifter** dʒɪɛra *n*. **sight (gun)** tʃɪã̃ <sup>2</sup> *n*. **sign to come** kamsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **signing** bigise *n*. **Sigu language** sigu *nprop*. **silence** surum *n*. **silo** buu *n*. **similar (be)** kpara *v*.; nããnɪ *v*. **sincere (person)** nɪbupʊmma *n*.; nɪbuwerii *n*. **sing** buoli *v*.

**singe off** kpʊsɪ *v*. **singer** buolbuolo *n*. **singer (good)** laŋgbɛ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **single** teŋteŋ *n*. **sip** furusi<sup>1</sup> *pl.v*.; tʃumo *v*. **Sisaala (person)** hɔlɪɪ *n*. **sister (senior)** kpɪɛma *n*. **sit** dɛla *v*.; pumo<sup>2</sup> *v*.; saga<sup>1</sup> *v*.; saŋa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **site** bar<sup>1</sup> *n*. **sitting place** basaŋɪɪ *n*. **six** aloro *num*.; loro *num*. **six pence** tɔgɔfa *n*. **sixteen** fidaloro *num*. **sixth month** kpinitʃuumaaŋkuna *nprop*. **skim** vige *v*. **skim off** wɔɔlɪ *v*. **skin** batɔŋ *n*.; kʊtɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **skin disease (dog)** tɔr *n*. **skink (type of)** gbol *n*. **skip** gara *v*. **sky** kuosoɲuu *n*. **sky appearance** dʒinedʒine<sup>1</sup> *ideo*. **slam into** hɪɪ̃̃*v*. **slap** maŋa<sup>1</sup> *v*.; pɛsɪ *v*.; tʃasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **slaughter** kɔrɪgɪ *v*. **slave** joŋ *n*. **slave (shrine)** vʊgjoŋ *n*. **sleep** tʃʊa duo *v*. **sleeping place** batʃʊalɪɪ *n*. **sleeping room** dɪtʃʊɔlɪɪ *n*.

**slip** foosi *v*.; saarɪ *v*. **slip of tongue (do)** foti<sup>1</sup> *v*. **slippery place** sosolii *n*. **slit drum** voŋgolii *n*. **slow** sʊɔnɪ<sup>4</sup> *v*. **slow (be)** zugo<sup>2</sup> *v*. **slowly** bʊ̃ɛ̃ɪbʊ̃ ̃ɛ̃ɪ̃*ideo*. **smack** pɛsɪ *v*. **small** tama *quant*.; wie *n*. **smash (tuber)** tʃɔrɪgɪ *v*. **smear** faarɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **smeared** zɪlɪmbɪl *n*. **smell** sʊ̃ã *n*.; sʊɔrɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **smile** mʊma<sup>1</sup> *v*. **smock (type of)** dansatʃi *n*.; dansatʃiwie *n*.; tɪntaaraa *n*.; togo *n*. **smoke** ɲʊ̃ã<sup>2</sup> *v*.; ɲʊ̃ãsa *n*. **smoking away** ɲʊgɪɪ *n*. **smooth** logo *v*.; solisi *v*.; soloŋsoloŋ *ideo*.; vɔlɔŋvɔlɔŋ *ideo*. **snail** gɔlɛwɪɛgʊ *n*. **snake** haglɪkɪŋ *n*. **snake (type of)** aɲãã *n*.; bɔsa *n*.; brige *n*.; bʊdaʊ *n*.; dʊhãã *n*.; dʊkpeni *n*.; dʊŋmɛŋ *n*.; dʊŋmɛŋbummo *n*.; dʊŋmɛŋsɪama *n*.; dʊŋwie *n*.; dʊ̃ʊ̃*n*.; dʊ̃ʊ̃gal *n*.; kɔŋ *n*.; mããbiewaatelepusiŋ *n*.; nɪgsɪa *n*.; nɪɪtɪɪna *n*.; ɲagɪmbii<sup>2</sup> *n*.; sɔmpɔrlilese *n*.; suoŋdaawie *n*.; sʊɔsanɪɪ̃3̃ *n*. **snake skin (moulted)** wir *n*. **snatch** mɔna *v*. **sneak** lʊɔrɪ *v*.

**sneeze** kpɪsɪ *v*. **sniff in** furusi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **snore** kʊʊrɪ *v*. **snuff** tɔʊsaʊ *n*. **so be it** ame *interj*. **soak** pɪɪ̃̃*v*.; sɪna *v*. **soak soil** gbɛra *v*. **soap** kɔwɪa *n*. **soft** jɔgɔsɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **soft spot** ɲupʊʊsa *n*. **soften** buti *v*. **soil** hagla *n*.; haglɪɪ *n*.; tagla *n*. **soil (type of)** haglɪbummo *n*.; haglɪnʊgʊl *n*.; haglɪtʃãã *n*. **soldier** sodʒa *n*. **solid** kpegii *n*. **solve** kʊɔrɪ<sup>4</sup> *v*. **some** banɪɛ̃̃*quant*. **someone** dɪgɪmaŋa<sup>2</sup> *num*.; dʒagala *n*. **song** buol *n*. **song track** buolnãã *n*. **soothsay** pɪasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; vʊga *v*. **soothsayer** siinaara *n*.; vʊvʊta *n*. **sore** kɪnwɪlɪɪ *n*.; nããwal *n*.; ɲiŋ *n*.; pɛmpɛl *n*. **sort** sii *n*. **soul** dʊma *n*.; nɪdʊma *n*. **soul (lacking)** dʊŋtʃɔ *n*.; nããhããta *n*. **sound (alert)** wilie *n*. **soup** dɪsa *n*. **soup (type of)** dɪnɪɪ *n*.; footuo *n*.; kpããŋnɪɪdɪsa *n*.

**soup ingredient** dʒumburo *n*.; fʊl<sup>2</sup> *n*.; kɔntɔŋ *n*. **sour** ɲagɛɛ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **sour (be)** ɲaga<sup>1</sup> *v*. **south** vɔg *n*. **south-east wind** vɔgtimuŋpeu *n*. **sow** dũũ *v*. **soya bean** bɛŋkpalɛ *n*. **space (little)** dɪra *v*. **space between the eyebrows** miidaa *n*. **spark (fire)** diŋpaparɛɛ *n*. **spasm (throat)** sinsige *n*. **speak** ŋma<sup>1</sup> *v*. **spear** tiŋ *n*. **spear grass** kumpii *n*. **species** balʊʊ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **specific** wara *dem*. **speckled** lagasɪ *pl.v*. **speech** wɪŋmahã *n*. **spendthrift** fɔga<sup>2</sup> *n*. **spherical object** kpulii *n*. **spider** ŋmɛŋtɛl<sup>1</sup> *n*. **spider (type of)** mɔŋtuosii *n*. **spill** bɪtɪ *v*. **spin** taarɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; vilimi *v*. **spindle** gundaabii *n*.; ŋmɛdaa *n*. **spine** gantalbaanhog *n*. **spirit (type of)** jʊɔsa *n*.; ŋmaara *n*. **spiritual leader (type of)** limaan *n*.; vʊgnɪhɪɛ̃̃*n*.; wʊzanɪhɪɛ̃̃*n*. **spiritual protection** zɪɛŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **spiritual weapon** lalaga<sup>2</sup> *n*. **spit** mʊtɪ *v*.; pʊ *v*.; tʃi *v*.

**spitefulness** zamba *n*. **spleen** pɔntɔlɪɛ *n*. **split up** pɛgsɪ *v*. **spoil** tʃɔga *v*. **spoiled (child)** bipʊ̃ã *n*. **sponge** gbɛra *n*. **spoon** daazʊʊna<sup>1</sup> *n*.; tʃokoli *n*. **spoon (wooden)** lɛhɛɛ *n*. **spot** baaŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*.; lalaga<sup>1</sup> *n*. **spotted** lagasɪ *pl.v*. **sprain** kpeŋŋẽ *v*. **spread** pɪsɪ *v*. **spread (news)** pʊtɪ *v*. **spring** bulugo *n*. **sprinkle** mɪsɪ *v*. **sprout** jala<sup>1</sup> *v*.; jala<sup>2</sup> *v*.; sii<sup>2</sup> *n*.; tɔtɪ *v*.; tʃɔra *v*. **spy** pigsi *v*. **square** logumoanaasɛ *n*. **squashed (be)** pʊntɪ *v*. **squat** toguni *v*. **squeeze** ɛnsɪ *v*. **squirrel (type of)** hele *n*.; muŋzeŋtɪɪna *n*.; zɪsa *n*. **stable** gar *n*. **stage (chick life)** bugo *v*. **stagger** gɛŋɛnɛ *v*. **stained** kpoŋo *v*. **stalk** kɔlɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **stammer** bʊmsɪ *v*. **stamp** tɪgɪmɪ *v*. **stand** tara<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tʃɪŋa *v*.

**stand against** tele *v*.; telegi *pl.v*. **staple food** kʊl *n*.; kʊʊ *n*. **star** wɪlɪɪ *n*. **starch (lacking)** tufutufu *ideo*. **stare** fɪɪlɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **start** kpa<sup>2</sup> *v*.; piili *v*. **station** tiisa *n*. **stay long** birgi *v*. **steal** ŋmɪɛ̃̃*v*. **stealing** ŋmɪɛ̃̃ɪ̃*n*. **steam** kusi *v*. **steam (trap)** wiisi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **steer** sãã<sup>2</sup> *v*. **steering** sɛtɪa *n*. **stem** kɔlɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **step on** nasɪ *v*. **step-father** ɲɪŋhɪɛ̃̃<sup>2</sup> *n*.; ɲɪŋwie<sup>2</sup> *n*. **step-mother** mããhɪɛ̃̃<sup>2</sup> *n*.; mããwie<sup>2</sup> *n*. **sternum** bambileo *n*. **stick (forked)** daatʃaraga *n*. **still** ha *pv*.; haalɪ *conn*. **sting (bee)** tʊ̃ʊ̃fɪɪl *n*. **stinger (bee)** fɪɪl *n*. **stinginess** siitɪɪna *n*. **stingy** nekpeg *n*. **stink** kʊʊrɪ *v*.; sʊɔrɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **stinky** pʊ̃ɪpʊ̃ ̃ɪ̃*ideo*. **stir** fɛga *v*.; kuosi *v*.; tʃɛma *v*.; vuugi *v*. **stirring-stick** fɛga *n*. **stock (bean leaves)** sʊɔsanɪɪ̃1̃ *n*. **stock (gun)** maafadaa *n*.

## stomach

**stomach** pumpunɪɪna *n*. **stomach ache** patʃɪgwɪɪla *n*. **stone** bɪɪ *n*.; bʊɪ *n*. **stone (big)** bɪzeŋ *n*. **stone (flat)** bɪtal *n*. **stone (small)** bɪwie *n*. **stone (smooth)** logologobɪɪ *n*. **stone (stove)** dɛlɛmbɪɪ *n*. **stone (type of)** gbɛnɪɪ<sup>1</sup> *n*.; kpaakpuguŋ *n*.; zɔŋkɔŋɛɛ *n*. **stop** gɪla<sup>2</sup> *v*.; kpa ta<sup>1</sup> *cpx.v*.; peti *v*.; teŋe<sup>3</sup> *v*.; tʃɪŋ keŋ *v*. **store** sɪtɔɔ *n*. **storing (grain)** deŋĩĩ *n*. **story** mʊr *n*. **stove (three-stone)** dalɪbʊa *n*. **stove (type of)** kɔlpɔtɪ *n*. **straddle** tʃara *v*. **straight** degini<sup>1</sup> *v*. **straightness** deginii *n*. **strain** tʃoori *v*.; tʃuori *n*. **stranger** hʊ̃ɔ̃r *n*. **straw hat** kagba *n*. **stream** gɔŋwie *n*. **strength** fɔŋa *n*. **stretch** dɛnsɪ *v*.; tala *v*.; taragɛ *pl.v*.; tatɪ *v*.; tʊɔnɪ *v*. **stretch drum skin** bugo<sup>1</sup> *v*. **stretching** tʊɔnɪɪ *n*. **stride** nããval<sup>2</sup> *n*. **strike** fɪɛbɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **strip** fuori<sup>1</sup> *v*.; wɔra *v*.

**strip off** sɪɪlɪ *v*. **striped (be)** tʃaŋsɪ *v*. **strive** lʊga<sup>2</sup> *v*. **strong** kpege<sup>1</sup> *v*. **strong (person)** fɔŋatɪɪna *n*. **struggle** lʊga<sup>2</sup> *v*. **stubborn child** bivɪɛɪ *n*.; bivɪɛlɪɪ *n*. **stubbornness** ɲukpeg *n*. **stuck** fɔra<sup>1</sup> *v*. **student** karaŋbie *n*. **study** zɪgɪtɪ *v*. **stump (tree)** daakputii<sup>2</sup> *n*.; daamuŋputii *n*. **stunt** zugumi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **stupid (be)** bugomi *v*.; gɛna *v*. **stupidity** bugunso *n*. **stutter** bʊmsɪ *v*. **submerged (be)** lime *v*. **substance (type of)** ise<sup>2</sup> *n*. **substandard (meat)** sɪɛ *v*. **subtract** lɪsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **success** ɲuwerii *n*. **suck in** tʃuuse *v*. **suck on (breast)** ɔsɪ *v*. **suck out** mʊgʊsɪ *v*.; tatɪ *v*. **suddenly** baaŋ *pv*. **suffering** ããnuuba *n*.; nuui *n*.; sigii *n*. **sugar** sikiri *n*. **sugar cane** kakanɔ̃ɔ̃*n*. **Suglo (person's name)** suglo *nprop*. **suicide** daasiiga<sup>2</sup> *n*. **suicide (commit)** mara *n*.

**summon** wɔsɪ *v*. **sun** wʊsa<sup>2</sup> *n*. **Sunday** alahaadi *n*. **support** tara<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tiise *v*.; tʃaga *n*.; zagasɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **surpass** kaalɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **surprise** kaabaako *interj*.; kʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>4</sup> *v*.; mamaatʃi *interj*.; oi *interj*.; tʃesu *interj*. **surprise (take by)** piregi *v*. **survive** foti *v*.; piti *v*. **suspect** ããnɪ *v*. **suspend** laga *v*.; liemi *v*. **swagger** gaanɪ *v*.

# **t**

**table** teebul *n*. **taboo** kii *n*.; tʃiir *n*.; wɔsatʃii *n*. **tadpole** gburugulugee *n*. **tail** muŋzaŋ *n*.; ziŋ *n*. **take** kpa<sup>1</sup> *v*.; kpaga<sup>3</sup> *v*.; laa<sup>1</sup> *v*.; paa<sup>1</sup> *pl.v*. **take (food)** kiini<sup>2</sup> *v*. **take (grains)** jaa<sup>2</sup> *v*. **take (leaves)** tʃɪɛrɪ *v*. **take (many)** gbaasɪ *v*. **take (meat)** nɪɛrɪ *v*. **take (mud)** po *v*. **take a direction** laa<sup>2</sup> *v*. **take a picture** teŋe<sup>2</sup> *v*. **take care** dʊ tɔʊ *cpx.v*.; ɪla *v*. **take care (child)** dɪɛsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.

**swallow** lile *v*.; lilesi *pl.v*. **swear** ŋmɪɛ̃̃sɪ *v*. **sweep** tʃaasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **sweet** lɛmɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*.; lɛrɛtɛ *ideo*.; loroto *ideo*. **sweet potato** kalɛmazʊl *n*. **swell** ɔra *v*.; ɔtɪ *pl.v*.; ugo<sup>2</sup> *v*. **swelling** baʔɔrɪɪ *n*.; kɪnsɔŋ *n*.; kpogo *n*. **swim** tʃele nɪɪ *v*. **swindle** fɔsɪ *v*.; tie<sup>2</sup> *v*. **swing** viigi<sup>1</sup> *v*. **sword (type of)** tokobii *n*.

**take care of** ɲine<sup>1</sup> *v*. **take excessively** kũũ *v*. **take off** toŋo *v*. **take off (meat)** fʊrʊ *v*. **take off the top** daarɪ *v*. **take pity** simisi *v*. **talisman** sɛwa *n*. **tall (be)** zɪŋa *v*. **tamarind** sɪsɪa *n*. **Tangu (person's name)** tããŋʊ̃*nprop*. **taste** lagalɛ *v*.; lɛma na *v*.; lɛmsɪ *pl.v*.; taga *v*. **taste (good)** lɛrɛtɛ *ideo*. **tasteless** bʊla *v*. **tattered** zagatɪ *v*. **tattoo** tʃagtʃag *n*.

**tax** lompoo *n*. **teach** tʃagalɪ *v*. **teacher** karɪma *n*.; tʃitʃa *n*. **tear** kɪasɪ *v*.; pɪɪlɪ *v*.; siinɪɪ *n*.; tʃʊʊrɪ *v*. **teasing** sɪa *n*. **telegraph** tangarafʊ *n*. **telephone** foon *n*. **telephone line** foonŋmɛŋ *n*. **tell** puoti<sup>1</sup> *v*. **tell (story)** mʊra *v*.; sɪanɪ *v*. **temper** baaŋ *n*. **ten** fi *num*. **tenth month** tʃiusũũ *nprop*. **tenure** nɪhɪɛ̃̃lɪŋ *n*. **termite (type of)** tʃaʊ<sup>1</sup> *n*.; tʃɔbɪɛl *n*.; tʃɔbul *n*. **termite mound** tʃaʊ<sup>2</sup> *n*.; tʃɔkɔŋa *n*. **test** tɛɛsɪ *n*. **testicle** luro *n*.; lurobii *n*. **texture (type of)** kɔlɔlɔ<sup>1</sup> *ideo*.; kpatʃakpatʃa *ideo*. **thanks** ansa<sup>2</sup> *interj*. **that** dɪ *comp*.; keŋ *adv*. **that (particular)** awa *dem*. **the** a *art*.; tɪŋ *art*. **theft** ŋmɪɛ̃̃*n*. **then** a *conn*.; aka *conn*.; zɪ<sup>2</sup> *adv*. **there** de *adv*. **therefore** a ɲuu nɪ *conn*.; awɪɛ *conn*. **thereupon** de ni *adv.phr*. **they (hum+)** ba *pro*.; bawa *pro*.; bawaa *pro*.

**they (hum-)** a *pro*.; awa *pro*.; awaa *pro*. **thick** gbʊktʊk *ideo*. **thick (be)** gbʊŋa *v*.; kɔsɪ *v*.; zugo<sup>1</sup> *v*. **thief** nezeŋeetɪɪna *n*.; ŋmɪɛ̃̃r *n*. **thigh** nããpɛgɪɪ *n*. **thin** badaawise *n*.; kɔŋa *v*.; lɛwalɛwa *ideo*.; puoli *v*. **thin (be)** fuori<sup>2</sup> *v*. **thin (person)** kʊɔlɪɪ *n*. **thing** kɪn *n*. **thing (bad)** kɪnbaŋ *n*.; kɪnbɔŋ *n*.; kɪntʃʊma *n*. **thing (big)** kɪnzeŋ *n*. **thing (bush)** kɔsakɪŋ *n*. **thing (greenish)** kɪnpaatʃag *n*. **thing (long)** kɪnzɪŋɪɪ *n*. **thing (valuable)** kɪŋdɪɪŋ *n*. **think** liisi<sup>3</sup> *v*. **third month** damba *nprop*. **thirst** nɪɪɲɔksa *n*. **thirteen** fidatoro *num*. **this** haŋ *dem*.; nɪŋ *adv*. **thorn** sɔta<sup>1</sup> *n*. **thought** hakɪla *n*.; liise *n*. **thousand** tusu *num*. **thread** tʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>2</sup> *v*. **threaten** fugusi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **three** atoro *num*.; toroo *num*. **three pence** sʊmpʊa *n*. **thresh** wʊra *v*. **throat** lile *n*. **throat (opening)** lilebʊa *n*. **throb** lugusi *v*.; wusi *v*.

### throw

traitor

**throw** fʊra *v*. **thrush** nʊhɔg *n*. **thumb** nebikaŋkawal *n*. **thunder** hɔ̃sɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; nasɪɛ *n*. **Thursday** alamʊsa *n*. **tibia** nããgbaŋahog *n*. **tick** kpagal *n*. **ticket** tigiti *n*. **tie** lomo<sup>1</sup> *v*.; vɔtɪ<sup>1</sup> *pl.v*.; vɔwa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **tie in packages** fɔtɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **tigernuts** muhĩẽ *n*. **tight** tʃɪɪrɪ *v*. **tight (be)** faamɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **tighten** tʊʊrɪ *v*. **Tiisa (lect of)** tiisaali<sup>2</sup> *n*. **Tiisa (person from)** tiisaali<sup>1</sup> *n*. **Tiisa village** tɪɪsaa *nprop*. **tilt** kulo *v*. **time** gbeliŋ *n*.; saŋa *n*.; wɔgadɪ *n*. **tin** kɔŋkɔŋ *ono*. **tiny** tɪla *quant*. **tip** bɛma *v*. **tip (arrow)** gerege *n*. **tipped (be)** keŋe *v*. **tire** kʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>1</sup> *v*. **tiredness** kʊ̃ʊ̃sa *n*. **tobacco** tɔwa *n*. **tobacco (powdered)** tɔʊsaʊ *n*. **today** zaaŋ *n*. **toe** nããbii *n*. **toe (big)** nããbikaŋkawal *n*. **toe (fourth)** nããbibaambaŋwie *n*. **toe (index)** nããbizɪŋɪɪ *n*. **toe (little)** nããbiwie *n*. **toe (middle)** nããbibaambaŋ *n*. **Togo hare** tʃuomo *n*. **tolerant** degini<sup>2</sup> *v*. **Toma (person's name)** tɔma *nprop*. **tomato** kalie *n*.; tʃelii *n*. **tomorrow** tʃɪ *pv*.; tʃɪɛ̃̃*n*. **tongs** tʃaʊ *n*. **tongue** nʊzʊlʊŋ *n*. **too** gba *quant*.; ko *adv*. **tool (type of)** sampɪl *n*. **tool (yam digging)** kpããŋhiredaa *n*. **tooth** ɲɪŋ *n*. **tooth (back)** ɲɪŋtielii *n*. **tooth (canine)** ɲɪŋvaa *n*. **tooth of a comb** tʃaasaɲɪŋ *n*. **toothache** kaka *n*. **top of** ɲuu<sup>2</sup> *reln*. **tortoise** kpaakpuro *n*.; wɪlɪɪ *n*. **totality** biriŋ *n*. **touch** biligi *v*.; gbaŋasɪ *v*.; laarɪ<sup>4</sup> *v*. **tough** kũŋsũŋ *n*. **towards (be)** tʃaga *v*. **town** tɔzeŋ *n*. **tracks** lugo<sup>1</sup> *n*. **trade** di jawa *v*. **trade for** tʃɛra *v*. **trader** jawadiir *n*. **tradition** lɛsɪrije *n*. **trail** kpããnɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **trail (animal)** lugo<sup>1</sup> *n*. **traitor** dɪgɪɛ<sup>1</sup> *n*.

**transform** bɪrgɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **trap** baŋtʃɔʊ *n*.; hɪwa ̃ <sup>1</sup> *v*.; tʃige<sup>1</sup> *v*. **trap (big)** baŋtʃɔɔzeŋ *n*. **trap (type of)** baŋtʃɔɔwie *n*.; hɪʊ̃̃ *n*.; tɪŋgbɛhɛ̃ɛ̃*n*.; zantɔg *n*. **tray (wood)** filii *n*. **treat** tiime *v*.

**tree** daa<sup>1</sup> *n*.

**tree (bitter)** daahãã *n*.

**tree (type of)** alakadee *n*.; anĩĩ *n*.; aŋbuluŋ *n*.; badʒɔgʊbagɛna *n*.; bɛl<sup>2</sup> *n*.; bɛŋ *n*.; bɪɪbɔg *n*.; bombosʊɔrɪɪ *n*.; bɔg<sup>1</sup> *n*.; bulo *n*.; daasɪama *n*.; daasɔta *n*.; duoŋkiir *n*.; fʊfʊgɛɛ *n*.; fʊfʊl *n*.; goŋo *n*.; goŋtoga *n*.; gbɛl *n*.; gbɪãkʊl ̃ *n*.; gbɪãtii ̃ *n*.; gboŋ *n*.; hambag *n*.; hol *n*.; kaakɪɛ *n*.; katʃal *n*.; koŋ *n*.; kuolie *n*.; kʊrʊgbãŋʊ *n*.; kpoluŋkpoo *n*.; loŋpoglii *n*.; naasaardaa *n*.; naasaargbɛsa *n*.; naasaarsɪŋtʃaʊ *n*.; nakɛlɪŋ *n*.; nakodol *n*.; nakpagtɪɪ *n*.; naparapɪrɪɪ *n*.; nasol *n*.; nokun *n*.; paamãã *n*.; pitiiɲaŋa *n*.; pitiisolo *n*.; poŋpoglii *n*.; poŋpogo *n*.; prɪŋ *n*.; saŋkpaŋtuluŋ *n*.; sɪŋkpɪlɪɪ *n*.; sɪŋtʃaʊ *n*.; sɪsɪa *n*.; sokie *n*.; sɔbummo *n*.; sɔkoro *n*.; sɔsɪama *n*.; sɔta<sup>2</sup> *n*.; sug *n*.; suoŋ *n*.; suoŋbɛŋa *n*.; tii *n*.; tolii *n*.; tomo *n*.; tʃoŋgolii *n*.; waaliŋzaŋ *n*.; walaŋzaŋ *n*.; zahulii *n*.; zʊgsɪɪ *n*. **tree hole** daalor *n*.

**tree scar** daakpuogii *n*.

**tree trunk** bambii<sup>2</sup> *n*.

**tribe** balʊʊ<sup>1</sup> *n*.

**trigger (gun)** maafapeŋ *n*.

**trip** garɪsɪ *v*. **trot** jɔsɪ *v*. **trouble** dama *v*.; tʊɔra *n*. **trousers** kuruso *n*.; pata *n*.; tradʒa *n*. **true** dɪɪŋ *n*. **trunk** bambaaŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*. **truth** wɪdɪɪŋ *n*. **truthful** bidɪɪŋ *n*. **truthful (person)** nɪdɪɪŋ *n*. **try** harɪgɪ *v*. **try to solve** bɪla *v*. **tube** tupu *n*. **tuber** zʊʊl *n*. **tuber (cassava)** kpõŋkpõŋzʊʊl *n*. **tuber (type of)** asɪɪ *n*. **tuberculosis** tʃasɪzeŋ *n*. **Tuesday** atalaata *n*. **tumble** bilinsi *v*. **Tuosa (lect of)** tʊɔsaalɪɪ *n*. **Tuosa (person from)** tʊɔsaal *n*. **Tuosa village** tʊɔsaa *nprop*. **turkey** kolokolo *ono*. **turn** bɪrgɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; mɪlɪmɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; mɪna<sup>2</sup> *v*. **turn back** bɪra *v*. **turn into** bɪɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*.; bɪrgɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **turn upside down** tʃige<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tʃigesi *pl.v*. **turning** mɪlɪmɪɪ *n*. **turtle** buter *n*. **tut** tʃʊʊsɪ *v*. **twelfth month** doŋu *nprop*. **twelve** fidalɪa *num*. **twenty** matʃeo *num*.

**twin** dʒɪɛndɔŋ *n*. **twine around** mɪna<sup>3</sup> *v*. **twins** dʒɪɛnsa *n*. **twist** ɛnsɪ *v*.; mɪlɪmɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*. **twisted (be)** mɪna<sup>3</sup> *v*. **two** alɪɛ *num*.; ɲɛwã *num*.

# **u**

**ugly** tʃʊma<sup>2</sup> *v*. **ulcer (type of)** kaŋkabulo *n*. **umbilical cord** ulzʊa *n*. **unable (be)** gbɛtɪ *v*.; kusi *v*. **unable to take (be)** bire *v*. **unavoidably** hur *n*. **unbeliever** kaafra *n*. **unbend** degini<sup>1</sup> *v*. **under** muŋ<sup>3</sup> *reln*. **under-sized (be)** kere *n*. **undergarment** bɔɔbɪ *n*. **underpants** pata *n*.; pɪɪtɔɔ *n*. **undigested (be)** gere *v*. **undress** wire<sup>1</sup> *v*. **uneven (be)** kegeme *v*. **unexpected** ɲããsii *n*. **unexpectedness** tʃesu *interj*. **unfold** peligi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **ungrateful** vɪɛzɪŋtʃɪa *n*. **unhealthy (be)** kɔlɔlɔ<sup>2</sup> *ideo*. **unhygienic (person)** doŋotɪɪna *n*. **unhygienic nature** sɔkɔsɪɪ *n*. **unknowingly** dʒaa *adv*.

**two Ghana Pesewas** bʊɔtɪa<sup>2</sup> *num*. **type** fɛrɪgɪ<sup>2</sup> *pl.v*.; irii *n*.; sii *n*. **tyre** kɔba *n*. **t.z.** kʊl *n*.; kʊʊ *n*. **t.z. (cold)** kʊʊsɔŋ *n*.

**unless** foo<sup>1</sup> *conn*. **unmarried (woman)** hanzoŋ *n*. **unreliable (be)** tʃɔrɪmɪ *n*. **unripe** gal *n*.; hɛma<sup>2</sup> *n*. **unroll** peligi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **unset** jɔgɔsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **unsure** sige *n*. **untamed** wegimi *v*. **untie** puro *v*. **untrusty (person)** nɪbukamboro *n*. **unused** seweree *n*. **unusual** kperii *n*. **unusual (be)** kpere *v*. **unwillingness** daraga *n*. **up** zaaza *ideo*. **upon this** de ni *adv.phr*. **uproot** tʃurugi *pl.v*.; tʃuti *v*. **upset (be)** kʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>3</sup> *v*. **urinate** fɪɪ̃̃*v*. **urine** fɪɪ̃nɪ ̃ ɪ̃̃*n*. **used to** mɔna *v*. **usually** jaa *pv*. **uterine fibroids** mɔŋsugo *n*.

### vacant

# **v**

**vacant** woo *v*. **vagina** mɔŋ *n*. **Vagla person** vɔgla *n*. **valley** falɪŋbʊa *n*. **valuable (be)** jugo<sup>2</sup> *v*. **vanish** nigimi *v*.; pɪsɪ *v*.; sogoli<sup>1</sup> *v*. **vehicle** lɔɔlɪ *n*. **veil** lambaraga *n*. **vein** pol *n*. **vein (arm)** nepol *n*. **venom (snake)** zɪɛŋ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **version** totii *n*. **very** tʃuur *ideo*.; wara *dem*. **very (black)** jiriti *ints*. **very (cold)** julullu *ints*. **very (early)** pipi *ints*. **very (hot)** kpaŋkpaŋ *ints*. **very (red)** tʃũĩtʃũĩ *ints*. **very (true)** tʃurutu *ints*. **very (white)** jarata *ints*.; peupeu *ints*.

# **w**

**Wa (language)** waalɪɪ *n*. **Wa town** waa *nprop*. **Waala (person from Wa)** waal *n*. **wag** viwo<sup>1</sup> *n*. **waist** tʃɛra *n*. **waist beads** tʃɛrakɪŋ *n*. **wait** tʃalasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **wake up** lala<sup>2</sup> *v*.

**village** tɔʊ *n*. **village (small)** tɔwie *n*. **village's centre** tɔʊsii<sup>1</sup> *n*. **virginity (take)** mʊ *v*. **virus (cassava)** kpõŋkpõŋpaatʃaktʃɔgɪɪ *n*. **visual pattern** tʃaratʃara *ideo*. **visual perception (type of)** bʊsabʊsa *ideo*.; dʒinedʒine<sup>2</sup> *ideo*.; dʒumodʒumo *ideo*.; gbɛnɪɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*.; hɔlahɔla *ideo*.; ileʔile *ideo*.; kɔlakɔla *ideo*.; ŋmʊnaŋmʊna *ideo*.; sʊɔsanɪɪ̃2̃ *n*.; tʃɛnɪtʃɛnɪ *ideo*. **visual power (extra-natural)** sinahã *n*. **vomit** tɪɛsɪ *v*.; tɪɛsɪɛ *n*.; ugo *v*. **vomit (bile)** sɪnlɔg *n*. **voracious** hɪɛ̃̃rɪ *v*. **vulture (type of)** nãkpaazugo *n*. **vulture (type)** zaarhɪɛ̃̃*n*. **vulva** mɔŋ *n*.

**walk** vala *v*. **walk (way of)** mɛŋŋɪ2̃ *v*. **walk stealthily** dɔsɪ *v*. **walking stick** daŋkpala *n*. **wall** zɪɛ̃̃*n*. **want** buure<sup>1</sup> *v*.; ŋma<sup>2</sup> *pv*. **war** lal *n*. **warm up** gʊɔsɪ *v*.

**warm up moderately** ɲɛɛsɪ *v*. **warn** kpaasɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **warthog** teu *n*. **warthog ivory** teukaŋ *n*. **wash** bɛlɛgɛ *v*.; sama *v*.; sɪsɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tʃagasɪ<sup>1</sup> *pl.v*. **washer (person)** tʃagtʃagasa<sup>1</sup> *n*. **wasp (type of)** kalɛŋgbʊgʊtɪ *n*.; kɪɪrɪɪ *n*.; tʃɪɪrɪɪ *n*.; vʊlʊŋvʊʊ *n*. **wasp's nest** kɪrɪɪsaal *n*. **waste (type of)** tʃuoŋbul *n*. **watch** ɲine<sup>1</sup> *v*. **water** nɪɪ *n*. **water (bitter)** nɪɪhã *n*. **water (deep)** nɪɪluŋ *n*. **water (high flow)** pʊlpʊl *ideo*. **water (lock)** hɪhɪ ̃ ɪ̃̃*n*. **water (potable)** nɪɪnʊ̃ãlɪɪ *n*. **water (running)** nɪɪpala *n*. **water (sour)** nɪɪɲagan *n*. **water pot** boŋ *n*.; bugulie *n*. **water sachet** pɪawata *n*. **water seller** nɪɪjogulo *n*. **water source** pol *n*. **water-yam** kpããŋnɪɪ *n*.; sieribile *n*. **waterbuck** zʊ̃ã *n*. **way** lugo<sup>2</sup> *n*.; nãã<sup>2</sup> *n*. **we** ja *pro*.; jawa *pro*.; jawaa *pro*. **weak** jʊɔrɪ *v*.; kɔntɪ *v*.; zɪɛzɪɛ *ideo*.; zɔŋ *n*. **weak (be)** bɪɛlɪ *v*.; kʊɔlɛ *v*. **weak (become)** tʊgʊsɪ *v*.

**weak (person)** nɪzɔŋ *n*. **wear** laarɪ<sup>1</sup> *v*.; tɔ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; tʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>1</sup> *v*.; vɔwa<sup>3</sup> *v*. **weather (cold)** war *n*. **weather (type of)** zuu *n*. **weave** pɛra *v*.; sʊ̃ã *v*. **weaver** garsʊ̃ɔ̃r *n*.; sʊ̃ãsʊɔr *n*. **weaver's workshop** kʊɔrɛɛ *n*. **Wednesday** alarba *n*. **weed** gana<sup>2</sup> *v*.; paasɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*.; para *v*. **weep** wii *v*. **weevil** tʃɔgɪɪ *n*. **weigh** jugo<sup>1</sup> *v*. **weight** fɛtɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*. **welcome** ansa<sup>1</sup> *interj*. **well** kɔlɔ̃ŋ *n*.; vil *n*. **well (do)** mara *pv*. **west** tiiɲuu *n*.; wʊtʃelii *n*. **wet** sʊɔnɪ<sup>5</sup> *v*. **what** baaŋ *interrog*.; ɲɪnɪɛ̃̃*interrog*. **wheel** tʃetʃe *n*. **when** dɪ<sup>2</sup> *conn*.; saŋa weŋ *interrog*. **where** lie<sup>1</sup> *interrog*. **where about** kaa *interrog*. **which** weŋ *interrog*. **while** dɪ *conn*. **whip** fɪɛbɪ<sup>2</sup> *v*.; kpaasa *n*. **whip (palm leaf)** tʃagbarɪga *n*. **whirlwind** kalɛŋvilime *n*. **whisper** misi *v*. **whistle** fuoli *v*.; fuolo *n*. **white** pʊmma *n*. **white (be)** pʊla *v*.; tʊla *v*.

**White thorn** sɔpʊmma *n*. **white-tailed mongoose** bilii *n*. **who** aŋ *interrog*. **whole** biriŋ *n*.; kɪnbɪrɪŋ *n*. **why** ɲɪnɪɛ̃̃*interrog*. **wickedness** ɲɪɲaŋa *n*.; patʃɪgɪhãã *n*.; tʃabarɪga *n*. **wide** pɛnɪɪ *n*. **wide (be)** pɛna<sup>1</sup> *v*. **wide (make)** peuli *v*.; pɪãnɪ ̃ *v*.; wɛga *v*. **widow** luhããŋ *n*. **widower** buzoŋ *n*.; lubaal *n*. **wife** hããŋ<sup>3</sup> *n*. **wife (most recent)** hãwie<sup>2</sup> *n*. **wild** wegimi *v*. **will** kaa *pv*. **will not** waa *pv*. **wind** gaari *v*.; peu *n*. **wind around** vɔwa<sup>1</sup> *v*. **window** dɪanʊ̃ãbʊwie *n*.; tokoro *n*. **wing** ɛmbɛlɪ<sup>2</sup> *n*.; sɪɛbɪɪ *n*. **winnow** peusi *v*.; tʃɪarɛ *v*. **wipe** fiise<sup>2</sup> *v*. **wise (person)** naŋzɪnna *n*. **wish** liisi<sup>2</sup> *v*. **witch** hɪl *n*. **witchcraft** hɪta *n*. **witchweed** kɪrɪmamɔmpusa *n*. **with** anɪ<sup>2</sup> *conn*.; pe *n*. **withdraw** lugo<sup>3</sup> *v*. **wither** loori *v*.

**witness** sierie *n*. **Wojo (person's name)** wojo *nprop*. **woman** hããŋ<sup>1</sup> *n*.; nɪhããŋ *n*. **woman (fertile)** nɪhãlʊlla *n*. **woman (old)** hãhɪɛ̃̃*n*. **wonder** kʊ̃ʊ̃<sup>2</sup> *v*. **wood (piece)** daa<sup>2</sup> *n*. **wood shaving** sɛl *n*. **word** wɪŋmahã *n*. **work** tʊma *v*.; tʊma *n*. **work (bad)** tʊntʃʊma *n*. **work leather** zaawɪ *v*. **work relation (type of)** zʊʊdɔŋa<sup>1</sup> *n*. **workers (farm)** parasa *pl.n*. **working place** tʊmbar *n*. **world** dʊnɪã̃ *n*. **worm (type of)** nandala *n*.; ɲeɲaaŋ *n*. **worn out (be)** zagalɪ *v*. **worries** laadimii *n*.; nɪmɪsa *n*. **worse (be)** ɲaŋŋɪ *v*. **worthy** maasɪ<sup>3</sup> *v*. **would** fɪ *pv*. **wound** daŋɪɪ *n*.; pɛmpɛl *n*.; pɪra *v*. **woven mat** mɛrɛkɛtɛ *n*. **wrap** fɔwa *v*. **wrestle** lʊga<sup>3</sup> *v*. **wrestling** lʊgɪɪ *n*. **wrinkle** ŋmiire *v*.; zɪɪmɪ *v*. **wrist** netʃug *n*. **write** sɛwa *v*.

zinc plate

## yam

# **y**

**yam** kpããŋ *n*.; pɪɪ *n*. **yam (big)** kpããŋbããŋ *n*. **yam (boiled)** kpããŋbuso *n*. **yam (cooked)** kpaambɪlɪɪ *n*. **yam (medium)** kpããŋbeŋe *n*. **yam (new)** kpããŋfɔlɪɪ *n*. **yam (old)** kpããŋbɪnɪɪ *n*. **yam (spoiled)** kpããŋtʃɔgɪɪ *n*. **yam (type of)** beso *n*.; bʊkpããŋ *n*.; fɛrɪɪ *n*.; gutugu *n*.; kpamamuro *n*.; kpasadʒɔ *n*.; kponno *n*.; laabɔkɔ *n*.; mankir *n*.; siŋgeta *n*.; tɪglaa *n*.; wɔsɪna *n*. **yam farm (portion)** kpaamparɪɪ *n*. **yam field (state)** pikiete *n*. **yam flesh** kpããnugul *n*. **yam harvest** wou *n*. **yam hut** kpããŋlaʊ *n*. **yam mound** pii *n*. **yam mound (part)** piimɪɪsa *n*.

# **z**

**yam mound (small)** piipɛlɛɛ *n*. **yam mound row** pitʃɔŋ *n*. **yam outer skin** kpããŋpɛtɪɪ *n*. **yam seedlings** kpããŋduho *n*.; kpããŋwou *n*. **yam stem** kpããnsii *n*. **yawn** hããsi *v*. **yaws** saŋgbɛrɛma *n*. **year** bɪna *n*. **yeast** bʊra *n*. **yellow fever** zagafɪɪ̃̃*n*. **yellowish** sʊlsaʊ<sup>2</sup> *n*. **yes** ɛ̃ɛ̃*interj*. **yesterday** dɪ *pv*.; dɪarɛ *n*. **yet** ha *pv*.; haalɪ *conn*. **yield** laa<sup>5</sup> *v*. **you** hɪŋ *pro*.; ɪ *pro*.; ɪɪwa *pro*. **you (pl.)** ma *pro*.; mawa *pro*.; mawaa *pro*. **young** hɛma<sup>1</sup> *n*.; wie *n*.

**zeal** baharaga<sup>2</sup> *n*. **zinc plate** tʃensi *n*.

# **Part IV**

# **Grammatical outlines**

# **Phonology outline**

# **1 Introduction**

This section presents a brief outline of Chakali phonology. An inventory of phonetic and phonemic vowels and consonants, the syllable structures, the phonotactics and the suprasegmentals are introduced. The description makes use of the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) symbols to represent the sounds of the language. These should not be confused with the same IPA symbols used to represent sets of phonological features, i.e. distinctive feature bundles. This domain representation mismatch is usually resolved by containing phonemes and underlying representations within slash brackets and speech sounds and surface forms within square brackets, e.g. /kæt/ vs. [kʰæʔ] 'cat'. The former is an abstraction, while the latter represents an utterance. For the rest of this exposition, if a Chakali expression is presented without the slash or square brackets, it should be interpreted as a broad phonetic transcription. The parts of speech of Chakali expressions are provided in many instances: on the one hand, having the information on the part of speech avoids ambiguity since the English gloss is often inadequate. On the other hand, it assists the search for phonological behaviour conditioned by lexical category. All the examples used as evidence are candidates for look-up in the dictionary of Part II. The abbreviation list starts on page xiv.

# **2 Segmental phonemes inventory**

This section introduces the segmental phonemes of Chakali and their contrasts by determining the phonetic properties in minimal contexts of speech sound patterns, when possible. Near-minimal pairs appear, yet the majority of the evidence provided is based on minimal pairs. The vowels are examined first, followed by the consonants.

# **2.1 Vowels**

Chakali is treated as a language with nine underlying vowels and eleven surface vowels. They are presented in Figure 1 in vowel diagrams. The surface vowels [ɑ] and [ə] are discussed at the end of this section.

Figure 1: Vowel phonemes and surface vowels in Chakali

Each vowel is presented below with minimal contrasts to motivate their phonemic status. Two sounds are contrastive if interchanging the two can change the meaning of the word. The vowels are presented in opposition for their height, roundness, and tongue root properties. Since Chakali does not show any contrast of roundness and backness in the non-low vowels, roundness, and backness are put together in the description under a ro(und) feature. The tongue root distinction is gathered under the feature atr (i.e. advanced tongue root). Low and high are treated under height in the subsequent tables, but are captured in the summary Table 1 with the features hi and lo, and the feature values + and –.

# **2.1.1 Close front unrounded i.**


The vowel [i] is front, unrounded, high, and tense.

## **2.1.2 Near-close near-front unrounded ɪ.**

The vowel [ɪ] is front, unrounded, high, and lax.


# **2.1.3 Close-mid front unrounded e.**


The vowel [e] is front, unrounded, mid, and tense.

## **2.1.4 Open-mid front unrounded ɛ.**

The vowel [ɛ] is front, unrounded, mid, and lax.


# **2.1.5 Close-mid back rounded o.**


The vowel [o] is back, rounded, mid, and tense.

## **2.1.6 Open-mid back rounded ɔ.**

The vowel [ɔ] is back, rounded, mid, and lax.


# **2.1.7 Close back rounded u.**


The vowel [u] is back, rounded, high, and tense.

## **2.1.8 Near-close near back rounded ʊ.**

The vowel [ʊ] is back, rounded, high, and lax.


#### 2 Segmental phonemes inventory

## **2.1.9 Open front unrounded a.**

The vowel [a] is unrounded and low.


When considering Rowland & Rowland (1965); Crouch & Smiles (1966); Bergman, Gray & Gray (1969); Toupin (1995); Crouch & Herbert (2003), the Chakali vowel phoneme inventory appears to match one of the two posited types of phonemic inventories found in other Southwestern Grusi (SWG) languages.<sup>1</sup> In Rowland & Rowland (1965: 15) the chart of Sisaala phonemes gives one [low,

<sup>1</sup> 'Phonemic' is used in its broad sense. Since phonology has diverse theoretical orientations, an inventory of phonemes does not mean much unless the features making those phonemes are expressed in the model. Thus in the phonological descriptions of the five SWG languages cited (i.e. Sisaala, Vagla, Tampulma, Pasaale, and Dɛg), it is assumed that the phonemic inventory in each monograph is built upon the classification proposed in their tables and charts, which use features like atr, round, back, etc.

central] vowel /a/ and one [mid, open, central] vowel /ʌ/. Crouch & Smiles (1966: 17) provides the same symbols /a/ and /ʌ/ for Vagla, the former for a [low, open, central] vowel and the latter for a [low, close, central] one. In Crouch & Herbert (2003: 3), the same symbols /a/ and /ʌ/ are found for Dɛg. For them /a/ represents a [low, –atr, central] vowel and /ʌ/ a [low, +atr, central] vowel.<sup>2</sup> The phoneme inventories of Toupin (1995: 16) and Bergman, Gray & Gray (1969: 21) do not report the distinction. The former identifies the contrast phonetically and claims that [a] and [ʌ] occur in free variation. In fact, Toupin provides the reader with [a] and [ʌ] in exactly the same environment: the word for 'hoe' and 'back' are both transcribed with [a] and [ʌ] (Toupin 1995: 26). He postulates one [low] phoneme (i.e. /a/) in the inventory (Toupin 1995: 16).

Figure 2: 9- vs. 10-vowel inventory in some Southwestern Grusi languages

Even though Manessy (1979) reconstructs a 7-vowel inventory for Proto-Central Gur, the phonological inventories appearing in Figure 2 are common to many Volta-Congo languages (Dakubu 1997: 81, Casali 2003a: 18). Further, they usually encode a phenomenon known as Cross-Height Vowel Harmony (CHVH) (Stewart 1967; Casali 2003b; 2008), in which harmony is operative at more than one height. In Chakali, the two atr harmony sets {i, e, u, o} and {ɪ, ɛ, ʊ, ɔ} contain high and non-high vowels, and as a rule, vowels agree in atr value within the stem domain. Typically the vowel /a/ co-occurs with –atr vowels within monomorphemic words.<sup>3</sup> The topic is discussed in detail in Section 4.2, but for now let us say that a monomorphemic word cannot carry two vowels of different atr sets,

<sup>2</sup> Modesta Kanjiti, a Dɛg speaker, and I reviewed in April 2009 the words given as evidence for the contrast /a/ and /ʌ/ in Crouch & Herbert (2003: 20–21). Despite Crouch & Herbert's assertion, Mme. Kanjiti could not confirm that /a/ and /ʌ/ were different sounds based on the word list provided. This contrast needs to be verified, although dialect difference could account for this.

<sup>3</sup> This is common among 9-vowel inventory according to Casali (2008: 528). However, some English loans violate that statement, e.g. sìgáárì 'cigarette', ʔéékà 'acre', sódʒà 'soldier', and mítà'meter'.

2 Segmental phonemes inventory

that is, [lʊpɛ] is possible (it means 'seven') but \*[lɪpe], \*[lɛpe] \*[lʊpe] and \*[lɔpe] are ungrammatical strings.

Apart from the nine vowels presented above, the surface vowels [ɑ] and [ə] can be heard; [ɑ] is perceived as if it was produced with the tongue further back in the mouth compared to [a]. In addition, the vowel [ɑ] is often found following the –atr vowels (i.e. ɪ, ɛ, ɔ, ʊ). Despite the fact that vowel harmony predicts a 'lax version' of /a/ in some environments (Section 4.2), a distinction between [ɑ] and [a] is not established. Yet, there is evidence which shows that Chakali should be considered to have only one phonemic low vowel, which would make its vowel inventory equivalent the one described for Pasaale by Toupin (1995). And, as written in the description of the noun class system (Section 3.2.1), Chakali behaves similarly to other 9-vowel languages (see Casali 2003a: 41).

The vowel [ə] is either an epenthetic vowel or a reduction of a full vowel. It surfaces only in specific environments and is never a part of the underlying form (see Section 3). While both [ɑ] and [ə] are treated as phonetic vowels, only [ə] appears in the dictionary in the phonetic form of an entry. Table 1 displays the set of features which determines the nine vowel phonemes.

Table 1: Vowel inventory and distinctive features bundles


## **2.1.10 Nasal vowels.**

Except for [ə], all vowels have a nasalized counterpart. As expected, nasal vowels are less frequent than their oral counterparts. Nasalized low vowels are the most frequent, whereas close-mid back rounded vowels are the least frequent. Consider the examples in Table 2.

At first glance the treatment of nasal vowels may be reduced to the influence of a nasal speech sound. Overall, nasal vowels are mainly found adjacent to a nasal consonant (or sometimes preceded by a glottal fricative). So it may be more accurate to specify them as oral and explain the perception of nasality as a coarticulation phenomenon. Nonetheless, nasal vowels are attested where adjacent nasal features are absent. The (near-)minimal pairs fáà 'ancient' / fã̀ã̀ 'do by force', fɪ̀'preverb particle' / fɪ̃ɪ́̃ ́'type of fish', zʊ̀ʊ̀ 'enter' / zʊ̃ ̀ʊ̃ ̀ 'laziness' and tùù 'go down' / tṹṹ'honey' show that nasal and oral vowels do contrast.

## **2.1.11 Vowel sequences**

This section is concerned with the duration of vowel sounds and their segmental content. It is shown that Chakali contrasts word meanings based on vowel length. Section 3.1 will present the syllables types in which various vowel sequences can occur.

**2.1.11.1 Vowel length.** A phonetic contrast exists between short and long vowels. The fourth column of Table 3 gives an hypothesised CV-form of selected words spoken isolation by six speakers. Judging from this data, which consists of (near-)minimal pairs, a difference in vowel length can change the meaning of a word. Further, as we will see in Section 4.2, there are in addition slight differences in meaning when some preverb particles are longer.

While these are no conclusive experimental evidence, in Section 3.1, it is shown that nouns in the language cannot have a CV surface form, whereas verbs can. Still, many noun roots are of the type CV. The lexical database contains a few pairs of words with exactly the same consonant and vowel quality but differing in length, i.e. ɲã̀ã̀ 'lack' and ɲã́ 'defecate', záŋ 'rest area' and zàáŋ̀ 'today', and wàsɪ̀'reproduce' and wààsɪ̀ 'pour libation'. The following sections present evidence for two types of vowel-vowel sequence in the language.


Table 2: Nasal vowels

Table 3: Vowel duration. Abbreviation: cli = Chakali, Gloss = English gloss, *σ* = syllable type, PoS = part of speech, and Vduration = mean of vowel duration for six speakers in milliseconds.


**2.1.11.2 V***i***V***<sup>i</sup>* **vowel sequences.** A V*i*V*<sup>i</sup>* vowel sequence identifies a sequence of two vowels of the same quality without intervening consonants or vowels. Table 4 provides some attested cases of V*i*V*<sup>i</sup>* sequence.

The V*i*V*<sup>i</sup>* sequences can also surface nasalized, except for the front mid vowels: only one sequence [ẽẽ] (i.e. kálɛ́ŋbɪlèŋẽ ́ ́ẽ̀ 'adjuster') and one [ɛ̃ɛ̃] (i.e. interjection ɛ̃ ̀ɛ̃ɛ́ ̃ ̀ 'yes') are recorded. The vowel sequences in Table 4 can either be treated as cases of long vowels or as a sequence of two short vowels: the two underlying structures assumed are presented in (1).

	- b. V*i*V*<sup>i</sup>* : no morpheme boundary intervenes ɲúù 'head', pl. ɲúúnò (class 5, Section 3.2.1.5) bʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ŋ 'goat', pl. bʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ná(class 3, Section 3.2.1.3)


Table 4: *ViV<sup>i</sup>* sequence

**2.1.11.3 V***i***V***<sup>j</sup>* **vowel sequences.** A V*i*V*<sup>j</sup>* vowel sequence identifies a sequence of two vowels of different quality without intervening consonants or vowels. Most of the sequences in the data involve the set of high vowels {i, u, ɪ, ʊ} as first vowel.<sup>4</sup>

Similar to the V*i*V*<sup>i</sup>* vowel sequences, the V*i*V*<sup>j</sup>* sequences in Table 5 may be the result of two underlying structures; one with a morpheme boundary intervening and the other without such a boundary. They are shown in (2). It includes both underlying structures, and among them, examples of words formed with the nominaliser suffix -[+hi, –ro], e.g. tɔ́ *v.* 'cover' *→* tɔ́ɪ́*n.* 'covering', and the verbal assertive suffix -[+hi, +ro], e.g. jélé *v.* 'bloom' *→* jéléó *v.* 'bloom.pfv.foc' (Sections 3.2.2.2 and 5.3). These two productive morphological mechanisms are responsible for the prevalence of V*i*V*<sup>j</sup>* sequences, of which V*<sup>j</sup>* is a high front vowel or a high rounded one. Their surface forms depend on phonotactics, which is the topic of Section 3.

	- b. V*i*V*<sup>j</sup>* : no morpheme boundary intervenes dʊ̀à] 'be in/at/on' tʃàʊ́]'type of termite'

The V*i*V*<sup>j</sup>* vowel sequences are summarized in Figure 3. Each vowel diagram displays possible vowel-to-vowel transitions. For the first two diagrams, i.e. (a) and (b), the transitions are arranged according to the first vowel on the basis of their atr value. The third diagram displays the transitions in which the vowel /a/ is the first vowel.

<sup>4</sup> An alternative would be to treat them as the set of glide consonants {j, w}. As a matter of fact, the notion of 'suspect sequences' was coined by GILLBT/GIL fieldworkers when faced with transcription involving the segments {i, u, ɪ, ʊ} (Bergman, Gray & Gray 1969: 4, Toupin 1995: 8, among others). "'Suspect' is an old SIL heuristic term for phonetic sounds which may have different phonemic function in different languages" (T. Naden, p.c.). Some tokens of V*i*V*<sup>j</sup>* vowel sequences would then be treated as suspect sequences under their analyses. For instance, bie 'child', a monosyllabic word, would be represented as bije, a disyllabic word (see also Kedrebéogo 1997: 100). Correspondingly, 'arrow' could be transcribed as tuo, tʷoor tuwo. My decision is purely based on the impression of consultants who do not favour a syllable break. Further, unlike Dɛg, Chakali consonants do not have corresponding labialized phonemes. In Crouch & Herbert (2003: 2), 13 of the 22 phonemes have a labialized counterpart. I also perceive the labialized consonants of Dɛg (see footnote 2).


Table 5: *ViV<sup>j</sup>* sequence

(b) Transition from +atr vowels

a (c) Transition from /a/

Figure 3: Attested vowel transitions

The direction of the arrow reproduces the transitions. A step in the analysis of vowel sequences would be to identify them as either unit diphthongs or two independent vowels. On the one hand there are relatively few languages with unit diphthongs (Maddieson 1984: 133), and on the other hand it is necessary to understand better syllable structures, phonotactics, and the effect of coarticulation when vowel features are suffixed to vowel-ending stems in Chakali. In theory, true restrictions are due to obligatory harmonies, specifically with regard to the atr and ro features: more sequences should be attestable than those presented in Figure 3. The most common sequences are {ʊa, ʊɔ, ɪɛ, ɪa, ɔɪ, uo, ie, eu, aʊ}, the remaining ones being very rare or unattested. For instance, the [ei] and [aɛ] sequences never occur, the [ɛa] sequence occurs only once (and ʔàtànɛ́à 'Monday' is ultimately of Hausa origin), and the sequence [aɔ], which occurs in máɲã̀ɔ̃̀'type of mongoose', is found twice. In the latter case, both tokens are nasalized so it affects the vowel quality and how I perceived it.

#### 2 Segmental phonemes inventory

# **2.2 Consonants**

The consonantal phonemes amount to twenty-five, a number close to the average number of consonants in the consonant inventories of languages catalogued in Maddieson (2009). In this section, the phonemic status of the consonants is identified using distributional criteria. When possible the segments are aligned in three word positions: initial, medial, and final. Although it is crucial to identify a stem boundary in a word in order to differentiate between the onset of a non-initial stem (e.g. in a compound word) and the medial position of a monomorphemic word, this is often not possible given our knowledge of the language. The feature voice represents voicing (i.e. voiced vs. voiceless) and is reflected in the way the description is organized below. Table 6 provides an overview of the segments introduced in this section.

## Table 6: Phonetic and phonemic consonants in Chakali


## **2.2.1 Plosives and affricates**

All plosives and affricates contrast pairwise for the glottal stricture feature voice (except the glottal plosive /ʔ/). They are moderately aspirated word-initially. They all involve a single primary place of articulation, except the doubly articulated [d͡ʒ], [t͡ʃ], [k͡p] and [g͡b]. The affricates [d͡ʒ] and [t͡ʃ] have two sequential parts, while labiovelars [k͡p] and [g͡b] have two parts which overlap temporally.<sup>5</sup>

**2.2.1.1 Bilabial plosives.** The bilabial plosives can occur in word-initial and medial positions, although, in many cases, when they are found in word-medial positions, they are onsets of a non-initial stem. This position can be problematic,

<sup>5</sup> For the remainder, the linking diacritic over the labial-velars is not used, since there are just a few ambiguous contexts and these are accounted for by the syllabification procedures presented in Section 3.1.

since one cannot always treat words as compounds in the synchronic sense. For instance, álʊ̀pɛ̀'seven' is treated in Section 3.6.1 as monomorphemic, however, it is obvious that taken from a Proto-SWG perspective it is not. Bilabial plosives can also be found in borrowed words' medial positions, e.g. kàpɛ̀ntà (ultm. Eng.) 'carpenter' and kàpálà (Waali) 'type of staple food'. Neither the voiceless nor the voiced bilabial plosive are attested word-finally. Table 7 provides examples of contrast between /p/ and /b/ for the voice opposition.

## Table 7: Bilabial plosives


## (b) Voiced bilabial plosive


#### 2 Segmental phonemes inventory

**2.2.1.2 Alveolar plosives.** The alveolar plosives can occur in word-initial and -medial positions. Similar to the bilabial plosives, the voiceless and the voiced alveolar plosives are not attested word-finally.<sup>6</sup> When it occurs in word-medial position, [d] is found only at the onset of a non-initial stem of polymorphemic words or in loans, whereas [t] does not have such a restriction. Examples of such loans are síídì 'cedi', kùòdú 'banana', and bɔ̀rdɪá́ 'plaintain' for words of Akan origin, and gáádìn 'garden', bìléédì 'blade', and pʊ́ɔ́dà 'powder' for words of English origin. An example of occurences in onset of non-initial stem of polymorphemic words is fi-dɪ-anaasɛ [fídànáásɛ̀] 'fourteen' (Section 3.6.1), ɲɪn-dáá ́ 'horn', and nɪ̀-dʊ̀má 'spirit'. Examples kàndɪà́ 'Kandia' and kódì 'or' appear to be lexicalized polymorphemic words or loans. The rhotic [r] may be argued to be an allophone of /d/ as [r] occurs mostly where [d] is never found, e.g. intervocalically in monomorphemic words (Section 2.2.4.2). Table 8 provides examples of contrast between the two alveolar plosives for the voice opposition in wordinitial and -medial positions.

## Table 8: Alveolar plosives


The segment [r] can surface when [t] is expected. For instance, the plural form of the word gèŕ 'lizard' is gété 'lizards' and the plural form of the word sɔ̀tá'thorn' is sɔ̀ràsá. The underlying segmental representation /get/ may be given for the lexeme 'lizard'.

<sup>6</sup> On one of the field trips, I was given a dog and called it [táát]. People in Ducie would repeat its name and call the dog [táátə̀]. The way they pronounced the name suggests that alveolar plosives are disallowed in word-final position.

Rule 1 is postulated, which turns a /t/ into [r] in word-final position and in weak syllables (see Section 3.1.2).<sup>7</sup>

## **Rule 1** Lenition

An alveolar stop changes into a trill in word-final position or in word-medial onset.

[alveolar, obstruent] *→* r / \_ # or CV.\_ V.CV

Rule 1 operates only on a few nouns, probably due to the fact that an underlying coda /t/ is rare. Further, all the examples involve [+atr, –ro] vowels, e.g. bùtérː bùtété 'turtle(s)' and tʃìíŕ tʃìíté 'taboo(s)'. Examples of minimal pairs involving a [r]-[t] contrast are pàrà 'farm' pátá 'trousers', lúró 'scrotum' lùtó 'root', and tʃárɪ̀'diarrhoea' tʃátɪ̀'type of guinea corn'.

**2.2.1.3 Velar plosives.** The velar plosives are found in word-initial and -medial positions. In addition, among the plosives, the velar plosive is the only one which is allowed word finally. This is shown is Tables 9(a) and 9(b).

Further the segment [ɣ], which appears between vowels in a weak syllable (see Section 3.1.2), is underlyingly a /k/ or a /g/.<sup>8</sup> Since the notion of weak syllable has not been justified, Rule 2 partially accounts for the spirantization of velar plosives.

**Rule 2** Spirantization

The velar obstruents /k/ and /g/ change into [ɣ] when they occur between vowels in a weak syllable.

[velar, obstruent] *→* ɣ / V. \_ V or \_ . C

As shown in Table 9(c), the segment [ɣ] appears in word-medial position, but never in word-initial or -final position. A voicing distinction between [ɣ] and a potential voiceless velar fricative [x] is not perceived, which, if identified, would create two corresponding pairs with /g/ and /k/ respectively. However, it seems that /g/ and /k/ are spirantised medially except when adjacent to a [+atr, +hi, –ro] vowel. Nevertheless a few counterexamples, such as kpégíí 'hard' and sígìì 'misery', must be taken into account.<sup>9</sup>

<sup>7</sup> Since the voiced alveolar plosive never occurs in word-medial position, there may be another rule involved which devoice the /d/ in gété 'lizards'. In fact, by omitting [-voiced], Rule 1 captures /d/ as well. Notice that Rule 1 undergenerates in some instances, e.g. bùtér 'turtle', bùtété 'turtles' \*burete.

<sup>8</sup> For simplicity, I use [g] throughout instead of the IPA symbol for the voiced velar plosive [ɡ].

<sup>9</sup> In Mòoré and Koromfe /g/ is spirantised medially except when adjacent to a [+atr, +hi] vowel (John Rennison, p.c.). Chakali hóɣúl 'cockroach' and nàŋjóɣúl 'butcher' are clear spirantization cases.

#### 2 Segmental phonemes inventory

## Table 9: Velar plosives and fricative



**2.2.1.4 Glottal plosive.** The glottal plosive, or "glottal stop", occurs only at the beginning of vowel-initial word stems. Word-initially it is optional, but it is obligatory at the beginning of a vowel-initial stem contained within polymorphemic words such as nɔ́ʔɔ́rɔ́ŋ 'type of tree' and fáláʔúl 'calabash node'. Table 10 provides examples of word-initial and (stem-initial) word-medial positions.

Table 10: Glottal plosive


**2.2.1.5 Labial-velar plosives.** Among the twenty-five consonants, five are complex segments. These include the plosives /kp/ and /gb/. The term "complex" in this context means that two primary places of articulation are involved in the production of the sounds, that is, the velum and the lips. Nonetheless, they behave as single phonemes. The labial-velar plosives can occur in initial and medial positions, but as the bilabial plosives, when they are found in a word-medial position, the position is typically the onset of a non-initial stem. Table 11 gives examples of labial-velar plosives in word-initial positions and shows that they contrast with both the labial and the velar plosives.

Table 11: Labial-velar plosives


**2.2.1.6 Affricates.** The affricates /tʃ/ and /dʒ/ are treated as single phonemes. They can occur in word-initial and word-medial positions, although the voiced affricate is comparatively less used. Notice that while /kp/ and /gb/ do contrast with /p/, /b/, /k/, and /g/, /ʃ/ and /ʒ/ do not exist in the language (except for the interjection ʃɪ̃ã́ ̀ã̀'insult'). Table 12 provides (near-)minimal pairs, when available.

Also, the sound [tʃ] is pronounced [k] by some members of the oldest generation, e.g. tʃìíŕ *∼* kìíŕ 'taboo', tʃímmã̀ã́ *∼* kímmã̀ã́ 'pepper', tʃɪɛ́ ́ŋɛ̃ ́*∼* kɪɛ́ ́ŋɛ̃ ́'break', etc. This could be evidence that, in the recent past, the affricates originated as stops in an environment conditioned by a high front vowel. However, examples of minimal pairs [tʃ]-[k] exist: tʃògò 'ignite' vs. kògò 'hold', tʃʊ́l ̀ 'clay' vs. kʊ́l 'type of staple food', tʃàɣà 'to face' vs. kàɣà'to choke', among others.<sup>10</sup>

<sup>10</sup> It could be that the lexemes involved in these minimal pairs underwent semantic change and

#### 2 Segmental phonemes inventory

## Table 12: Affricates


## **2.2.2 Fricatives**

The four fricatives /f/, /v/, /s/, and /z/ are distinguished by their place of articulation and by their voicing.

**2.2.2.1 Labio-dental fricatives.** In general, the segments /f/ and /v/ have the same distribution: they can occur in word-initial and -medial positions, but never in a final position, and they both can precede any vowel. They contrast exclusively on the feature voice. This is shown in Table 13. Contrasts with alveolar fricatives are given in Table 14 of Section 2.2.2.2.

Table 13: Labio-dental fricatives


**2.2.2.2 Alveolar fricatives.** The alveolar fricatives /s/ and /z/ can occur in wordinitial and -medial positions, but never word-finally. The glottal stricture is the only property which differentiates the alveolar and labio-dental fricatives. Overall, the voiceless alveolar fricative is more frequent than the voiced one. In wordmedial positions, the voiceless alveolar fricative acts mainly as the onset of a

phonological change, but originated from a single source. Vagla data suggest that a conditioning of front vowel is not unique to Chakali (see footnote 17). Looking at the form/meaning of cognates in other related languages would be revealing.

non-initial stem. Table 14(a) presents the alveolar fricatives in opposition for the feature voice, and Table 14(b) presents the alveolar fricatives contrasting with the labio-dental fricatives in word-initial positions.


Table 14: Alveolar fricatives

# **2.2.3 Nasals**

There are five distinct nasal consonants in the language: a bilabial, an alveolar, a palatal, a velar, and a labial-velar. Phonological processes involving the nasal feature are frequent in the language. One is discussed in Section 3.2.1.2. In wordinitial position, only [ ŋ] is not attested. The distribution of nasals in word-final position is as follows: rare cases with the bilabial [m], a few words with the alveolar [n], and the large majority with the velar [ŋ]. Chakali appears to have one velarization alternation, as stated in Rule 3.

**Rule 3** Velarization Nasals surface as [ŋ] word-finally. [+nasal] *→* ŋ / \_ #

**2.2.3.1 Bilabial nasal.** The bilabial nasal /m/ occurs in word-initial and -medial positions. This is shown in Table 15. It is rarely found in word-final positions: the onomatopoeia ʔángùm 'monkey's scream', the adverbial tʃérím 'quietly', the noun súrúm 'silence' (ultm. Hausa), and géèm 'game reserve' (ultm. Eng.) are the only examples. However, the languages Vagla and Kasem, surely among others, allow final [m]. Both languages are genealogically related, but only the former

#### 2 Segmental phonemes inventory

is in contact with Chakali. It is assumed that Chakali speakers are accustomed to hearing a bilabial nasal in final position. However, an underlying final /m/ is possible, e.g. /dɔm/ *→* dɔ́ŋ́ sg. dɔ́má pl. 'enemy' and /dɔŋ/ *→* dɔ́ŋ̀ sg. dɔ́ŋà pl. 'comrade' (see Section 3.2.1 and Rule 3). Table 15(b) displays two minimal pairs involving the bilabial nasal in opposition with a bilabial plosive and a labial-velar.

Table 15: Bilabial nasal


**2.2.3.2 Alveolar nasal.** The alveolar nasal /n/ can occur in all three positions: word-initial, word-medial and word-final. Table 16(a) presents the alveolar nasal in those positions. However, as mentioned in Section 2.2.3.1, Rule 3 turns wordfinal nasals into a velar nasal. The number of words which allow a word-final alveolar nasal is very limited, and the majority are ultimately 'non-native': dàmbàfúlánáán 'fifth month' (Waali), lɪ̀máàn 'imam, prayer-leader' (Arabic), méésìn 'mason' (Eng.), ʔólŭ̀pléǹ 'airplane' (Eng.), pɛ̀n 'pen' (Eng.), and gáádìn 'garden' (Eng.). In Table 16, the alveolar nasal is found in word-final positions in nòkúǹ and sábáán. If these words were uttered at the end of a phrase in normal speech, they would be velarized. Nonetheless, when elicited in isolation, the alveolar

## Table 16: Alveolar nasal


nasals do not always surface velarized, so a certain number of lexical exceptions may exist (cf. Rule 3). Table 16(b) provides evidence that the alveolar nasal, the lateral, and the trill are indeed distinct phonemes.

**2.2.3.3 Palatal nasal.** The palatal nasal /ɲ/ is found in word-initial and wordmedial positions, but never in a word-final position. It never precedes another consonant and only one word where a consonant precedes the palatal nasal is identified, i.e. sámbálɲàŋá 'type of grass'. Table 17(a) provides examples where the palatal nasal occurs word-initially and -medially. The examples in Table 17(b) show that [n] and [ɲ] contrast in word-initial position.

Table 17: Palatal nasal


**2.2.3.4 Velar nasal.** The segment [ŋ] is by far the most frequent nasal sound found in word-final position. When it precedes a consonant, the velar nasal is the last segment of a preceding syllable. Unlike the other nasals it never appears in word-initial position. Table 17(a) provides examples of the velar nasal in word-

Table 18: Velar nasal


2 Segmental phonemes inventory

medial and -final positions. In Table 17(b), [n] and [ŋ] show contrast in wordmedial positions.

**2.2.3.5 Labial-velar nasal.** The labial-velar nasal /ŋm/ is one of the four doublyarticulated segments in the language. It occurs in both word-initial and wordmedial positions, as shown in Table 19(a), but never in a word-final position. Table 19(b) displays minimal pairs involving the labial-velar nasal in opposition with the other nasals. A single near-minimal pair with a palatal nasal is identified, but no minimal pair involving the labial-velar and the velar nasal is found. The labial-velar nasal mainly occurs in word-initial position, whereas the velar nasal occurs in word-final position. All SWG languages of Ghana have been reported with a phonemic contrast between a labial-velar and a velar nasal (Crouch & Smiles 1966; Bergman, Gray & Gray 1969; Toupin 1995; Crouch & Herbert 2003). Even though the labial-velar nasal is sometimes perceived as slightly palatalized when followed by a non-high front vowel, e.g. ŋmʲɛ̀ná 'chisel', it is not rendered in the transcription.



## **2.2.4 Lateral and trill**

**2.2.4.1 Alveolar lateral approximant.** The alveolar lateral approximant /l/ is found in word-initial positions, as well as word-medial and word-final positions. This is shown in Table 20(a). There is only one token where the alveolar lateral precedes a nasal vowel, e.g. kɔ̀lʊ̃ ̀ŋ́ 'well' (but see Section 2.1.10 on nasal vowels). In Table 20(b) [r] and [l] are shown to contrast in word-medial and word-final positions.

## Table 20: Alveolar lateral approximant


**2.2.4.2 Alveolar trill or flap.** In careful speech, the rhotic consonant is often produced with the blade of the tongue vibrating against the alveolar ridge. However, it would be wrong to treat the production of /r/ in Chakali and, for instance, the /r/ in Spanish, as similar. In normal speech, the rhotic consonant is usually perceived as a flap-like sound. For instance, the rhotic in pàrà 'to farm' sounds as if the tongue strikes its point of articulation once, instead of repetitively. There is only one rhotic consonant, but even though it is not perceived as an alveolar flap in most cases, it is transcribed as r, instead of (the standard and more precise but less practical) ɾ. Nonetheless, /r/ in coda position is especially subject to tongue vibration, e.g. gàŕ'cloth'.

Rhotic /r/ is found both word-medially and word-finally. In coda position, it is often emphasized; in such cases a diacritic is used to represent a lengthy trill, i.e. [rː]. It is also the only consonant which occurs in the second position of a CC sequence (Section 3.1 example 5). It never occurs word-initially, except for the focus marker ra, which is nevertheless treated as a word unit (see Section 3.2.2.2 for the different forms the focus marker can take), and the English loan rɔ́bà 'rubber' in rɔ́bàkàtásà 'plastic bowl'. Given that [r] can be found in coda position but never in word-initial onset, and [d] is mainly found in word-initial onset but never in the word-medial position of a monomorphemic word, the rhotic consonant could be treated as an allophone of /d/ (see Awedoba 2002: 30– 31 and Dakubu 2002: 62–64). Provisionally, though, this solution is not favoured since it creates two issues which cannot be accommodated at this stage: (i) the CC sequence in onset becomes /Cd/, e.g. /pd/ in prɪŋ́ 'type of tree' and /dd/ in dráábà 'driver', and (ii) [r] and [t] are sounds distinguished by several minimal pairs, as opposed to [d], e.g. tʃárɪ̀'diarrhoea' and tʃátɪ̀'type of guinea corn', pàrà 'farm' and pátá 'trousers', lúró 'scrotum' and lùtó'root'.<sup>11</sup>

<sup>11</sup> Another piece of evidence would be the alveolar flap as the realization of a /t/ in a weak syllable, e.g. (sg/pl) sɔ̀tá/sɔ̀ɾàsá.

#### 2 Segmental phonemes inventory

Minimal pairs involving the alveolar rhotic and alveolar lateral approximant are given in Table 21(b).<sup>12</sup>


## Table 21: Alveolar trill

## **2.2.5 Glides**

**2.2.5.1 Voiced labio-velar approximant.** The voiced labio-velar approximant /w/ appears both in word-initial and word-medial positions, but never in a wordfinal position.<sup>13</sup> There are a few words which are transcribed with superscript [ʷ] (e.g. bʷɔ́ŋ 'difficult' and zàkʷʊ́ʊ́l 'beetle'), representing a labialized consonant, but there are no definite regularities. When it occurs, it is in front of a round vowel.<sup>14</sup> In Table 22(b) examples are offered which set in opposition the voiced labio-velar approximant and the palatal approximant.<sup>15</sup>

<sup>12</sup> In 21(b), the word kùòdú 'banana' is part of a minimal pair used as evidence for a nonallophonic alternation between [ r]/[d]. However, the word kùòdú is ultimately borrowed as it "exists all over West Africa in some form or other" (M. E. Kropp-Dakubu, p. c.). It is the only minimal pair [r]/[d] in the lexicon.

<sup>13</sup> Whether /w/ and /j/ occur word-finally results from one's decision about syllable structure. Is [aʊ] phonologically /aʊ/ or /aw/? This question will not be resolved without a finer phonological model.

<sup>14</sup> As mentioned in footnote 4, Dɛg is claimed to have an inventory of 13 phonemic labialized consonants (Crouch & Herbert 2003: 2).

<sup>15</sup> In field notes I transcribed [ɥ] a highly aspirated and palatalized version of /w/ found before high front vowels, e.g. ɥìì 'weep' and ɥɪɪ́ ́ 'matter'. This sound needs further investigation because I did not perceive it consistently in that environment. It is transcribed throughout with w.

## Table 22: Voiced labio-velar approximant


**2.2.5.2 Palatal approximant.** The palatal approximant /j/ appears both in wordinitial and word-medial positions, as shown in Table 23(a), but never in a wordfinal position. Table 23(b) provides additional minimal pairs in which the palatal approximant and the voiced labio-velar approximant contrast.

Table 23: Palatal approximant


**2.2.5.3 Glottal approximant.** The glottal approximant /h/ occurs only in wordinitial and -medial positions. Table 24(b) shows examples in which [h] contrast with the fricatives and the glottal plosive.

#### 2 Segmental phonemes inventory

## Table 24: Glottal approximant


## **2.2.6 Summary**

The consonants of Chakali were introduced and the majority were presented in a pairwise fashion to highlight specific contrasts. In Table 25, the consonantal phonemes are arranged according to their place and manner of articulation. Among them, the surface consonant [ɣ] is derived from underlying phonemes, i.e. /g/ or /k/. Due to the limited scope of the present section, the phonological features making up the consonant phonemes were not introduced. They will be presented along the way when necessary.<sup>16</sup>

Table 25: Phonetic and phonemic consonants in Chakali


<sup>16</sup> In order to maintain neatness, the label 'Liquid' was given to laterals, approximants and trills.

# **3 Phonotactics**

# **3.1 Syllable types**

This section deals with the restrictions on possible syllable types. The necessary generalizations responsible for (im)possible segment sequences are introduced. Again, the syllabification procedure used to extract the syllable types is implemented in *Dekereke* and uses the database's pronunciation field.<sup>17</sup> First, syllabic nasals are marked with a diacritic and are treated as one syllable. Secondly, all word-initial consonant clusters are assigned to the onset of the first syllable, and all word-final consonant clusters to the coda of the last syllable. Then, intervocalic consonant clusters are syllabified by maximizing onsets, as long as the resulting onsets match an attested word-initial consonant sequence or segment, and the resulting coda matches an attested word-final consonant sequence or segment. An onset cluster respects a sonority slope similar to the one given in (3).

(3) Phonetically grounded sonority scale for consonants (Parker 2002: 236) laterals *>* trills *>*nasals *>* /h/ *>* voiced fricatives *>* voiced stops *>* voiceless fricatives *>* voiceless stops *>* affricates

This means that (i) as one proceeds towards the nucleus the sonority must increase, and (ii) as one proceeds away from the nucleus the sonority must decrease. This sonority-based implementation generates the ill-formed onset clusters given in (4).

```
(4) a. *mb
    .ʔɛ.mbɛ.lɪ. 'shoulder' (.ʔɛm.bɛ.lɪ.)
b. *ɣl
    .ha.ɣlɪ.bie. 'type of ants' (.hag.lɪ.bie.)
c. *ɣj
    .pa.tʃɪ.ɣja.ra. 'healer' (.pa.tʃɪg.ja.ra.)
```
The forms in parentheses following the glosses in (4) are correctly syllabified. The forms preceding the glosses are clusters that either satisfy (i.e. ɣl, ɣj) or do not satisfy (i.e. mb) the sonority requirement, but are nonetheless not correctly syllabified. To remedy this problem, \*mb, \*ɣl, and \*ɣj become *ad hoc* constraints on onset clusters. This leaves us with a few attested C1C<sup>2</sup> sequences in (5), which will be discussed below.

<sup>17</sup> Software written and maintained by Rod Casali (version 1\_0\_0\_180 http://casali.canil.ca/).

3 Phonotactics

(5) C1= sonorant C2 = trill .prɪŋ. 'type of Mahogany' .bri.ge. 'type of snake' .draa.ba.'driver' (Eng.)

The first column of Table 26 displays the ten syllable types attested. The other columns display the number of instances of a given syllable in three positions, i.e. word-initial, word-medial, and word-final, regardless of grammatical category distinctions. The table shows that Chakali words mainly comprise CV, CVC, and CVV syllables. Table 27 provides examples of words which contain each of the ten syllable types. They are given in the same order as in Table 26.


Table 26: Attested syllable types (version 10/09/15)

The low-frequency syllable types of Table 26 need explanation. The syllabic nasal has a few tokens, e.g. the various surface forms of the first person singular pronoun, the word .m̩.bu.o.ɲõ. 'hunter's rank' (borrowed from Gonja), and the name of one of my consultants, Fuseini Mba Zien, whose second name originally means 'my father' (in several Oti-Volta languages and beyond) and is syllabified [.m̩.ba.]. Adding to these examples, there are contexts in which a nasal makes the syllable peak following an onset consonant. For instance, when involved in some compounds, the stem /bagɛna/ 'neck' yields [.ba.gn̩.], as in .ba.gn̩.pʊɔ.gɪɪ. 'lateral goiter', .ba.gn̩.bʊa. 'hollow behind the collarbone', and .ba.gn̩.tʃu.gul. 'dowager's hump'.


Table 27: Tokens for each syllable type

There are restrictions on the type of segments which can act as coda. All velars are permitted in coda position, i.e. {k, g, ɣ, ŋ} . The alveolar nasal [n], lateral [l], trill [r], plus rare instances of [m], are also permitted.

For the CC sequences, it was mentioned in Section 2.2.5.1 that labialized consonants are rarely perceived. Still, a few words are transcribed as [Cʷ], a sequence

#### 3 Phonotactics

that could be read as [Cw] by the syllabification procedure, i.e. bʷɔ́ŋ̀ 'bad' and zákʷʊ́ʊ́l 'beetle grub'. That leaves us with one instance of the syllable type CCVC, i.e. [.prɪŋ.], a sequence mentioned in (5) above. Syllable types CCVV and CVVV are scarce, but for different reasons. The former involves a CC onset cluster which is infrequent, as mentioned in Section 2.2.4.2. The latter is also rarely attested in the lexical database, but could become very frequent if some cases of suffixation were consistently included in the lexicon. That is, given a verbal lexeme with a CVV final syllable, a CVVV sequence is produced by adding the nominalization or the assertion suffix (i.e. CVV-i/ɪ and CVV-u/ʊ, respectively). These are described in Sections 3.2.2.2 and 4.3.

## **3.1.1 Syllable representation**

In this section, a unified representation of the syllable is provided. The notion of *weight unit* captures aspects of the internal structure of a syllable. Weight distinctions are encoded in mora count, which has been proposed as an intermediate level of structure between the segments and the syllable (Hyman 1985). The mora is of particular importance since it determines vowel length and tone assignment, among other things. In (6) the top node symbol *σ* represents the syllable. At a level under the syllable, the symbol *µ* represents the mora. The main opposition is between monomoraic (light) and bimoraic (heavy) syllables, but trimoraic (superheavy) syllables are also possible. The light syllables are composed of a single consonant and a single vowel (CV), a single vowel (V), or a syllabic nasal (N). The heavy and superheavy syllables are CVV, CVVC, CCVC, CCV, CVVV, and CCVV. The type CVC can be both light and heavy.

The syllable structure in (6a) is found in many verbs and function words (e.g. postposition nɪ, focus marker ra, preverbal particles ka, bɪ, and ha, verbs na 'see', pɛ 'add', and tɔ 'cover', etc.) The light syllable in (6b) is exemplified by the definite article a 'the' and the second and third person singular weak pronouns ɪ 'you, yours' and ʊ 'he, she, it, his, her, its'. Vowel coalescence (i.e. when two consecutive vowels fuse into a long one) suggests that these pronouns are not CV-syllables with glottal plosives in onset positions (see Section 3.2.1). A syllabic nasal constitutes a light syllable (6c): apart from their segmental content, structure (6b) and (6c) are identical, that is, they are also both syllable structures of singular pronouns. Another light syllable is the one in (6d). The choice of treating a CVC sequence as light comes from a certain division in the consonants, that is, those which are perceived with a tone and those which are not. Thus both (6d) and (6f) can represent the structure of a CVC sequence, but only the latter contains a moraic coda.<sup>18</sup>

The heavy syllables are those with two moras. The structure in (6e) represents any vowel sequence, e.g. sã̀ã́ 'axe' or kùó 'farm', and the one in (6f) a sequence in which the final consonant projects a mora, e.g. sàĺ 'flat roof'. Thus, the set of consonants which are found to bear tones are those which project moras; namely /l/, /r/, and the nasals. This suggests that at least a feature sonorant must be involved for a segment to bear tone. However, a tone on a sonorant segment in syllable final position is not always transcribed.

The superheavy syllables are commonly described as consisting of CVCC or CVVC. The former syllable is not attested; a coda consisting of two or more consonants does not exist. The latter type is instantiated in (7a) with the word báàl 'male': other examples are hùór 'raw', vàáŋ 'front leg', among others. Although not attested in a single morpheme (except perhaps in the ideophone bʊ̃ ̀ɛ̃ ̀ɪ̃bʊ̀ ̃ ̀ɛ̃ ̀ɪ̃̀'slowly' and the interjection ʃɪ̃ã́ ̀ã̀ 'insult'), the CVVV syllable types are treated as trimoraic. The words in (7b) 'collect.nmlz' and (7c) 'collect.foc' are made from the verbal CVV stem laa 'collect'. In these examples, CVVV syllables arise from the suffixation of nominal and assertive morphology, (7b) and (7c) respectively. As presented in Sections 3.3.1 and 4.3.1, cliticized pronouns in object positions also create CVVV syllables.

<sup>18</sup> A reviewer pointed out that tonological generalizations are much better evidence concerning the moraic status of coda consonants. There are many suggestions for further research, but studies of tone and intonation are urgently needed for the languages of the area. For instance, questions relevant to moraic coda consonants are how to properly account for consonants which are found to bear tones and how to treat contour tones on CVC words. This distinction between (6d) and (6f) would need to be spelt out carefully in a phonological study.

#### 3 Phonotactics

Likewise, some of the representations in (6) can either be projected by a single lexeme or by the combination of one lexeme and a vowel suffix. For example, the word bìé 'child' is analysed as being composed of the stem bi and a singular suffix vowel, but the word tàá 'language' is formed by the stem taa and a zero-suffix for singular. Noun class morphology is discussed in Section 3.2.1.

## **3.1.2 Weak syllable**

It has already been noted in Section 2.2.1.3 that a segment may change into another in a phonological domain called a weak syllable. This is defined as the state resulting from a reduction or augmentation of a syllable in a specific environment. For instance, in noun formation, the generalizations in (8) are observed when a CV number suffix attaches to a CVC stem, i.e. CVC ] -CV, or a CVCV stem, i.e. CVCV ] -CV.

(8) a. Vowel epenthesis

*Insert a [+syll] segment between medial adjacent consonants*

b. Vowel weakening

*Reduce the duration and loudness of a vowel between medial consonants*

c. Intervocalic lenition

*Velar stops become fricatives between vowels*

In the case of a CVC stem, vowel epenthesis creates a vowel between the stem's coda consonant and the suffix's onset consonant (more on epenthesis in Section 3.2.1.3). In a resulting CVCVCV environment the quality of the second interconsonantal vowel is not as full as other vowel(s) in the same word: possible outcomes are the reduction of any vowel to [ə], shortening (marked as extra-short, e.g. [ă]), or its deletion. Also in the same CVCVCV environment, intervocalic spirantization operates on the onset consonant of the second syllable, turning the velar obstruents /k/ and /g/ into [ɣ] (see Sections 2.2.1.2 and 2.2.1.3).

# **3.1.3 Consonant cluster**

A sequence of consonants is not phonologically distinctive and many tokens are the results of place assimilation. It is treated as a repetition of adjacent and identical segments within a word, closing one and opening the next syllable. Only the set of consonants {n, l, m, ŋ} is attested.

	- a. kpã̀ã̀n-nɪ̃ɪ́̃ ́[yam-water] 'water yam'
	- b. gɔ́n-nã́ã́[river-leg] 'branch of a river'
	- c. bà-lál-là[body-open-nmlz] 'happiness'
	- a. kúmmì'fist'
	- b. ɲáŋŋɪ́'be worse'
	- c. tʃímmã̀ã́'pepper'

Example (9) shows a consonant cluster in fully transparent polymorphemic lexical items, while (10) in morphologically opaque ones.<sup>19</sup>

# **3.2 Sandhi**

In this section, some morphophonological processes are introduced. First, the processes occurring within the word are presented, then the processes occurring at word boundaries.

## **3.2.1 Internal sandhi**

Internal sandhi refers to insertions, deletions, or modifications of sounds at morpheme boundaries within the word.

**3.2.1.1 Nasal place assimilation.** In words composed of more than one stem, a nasal ending the first stem assimilates the place feature of the following consonantal segment. In this manner, the bilabial [m] surfaces when the first consonant of the second stem is labial, the velar [ŋ] when it is velar and the alveolar [n] elsewhere. Yet, in front of [h], the underlying velar nasal stays unchanged. The same process takes place when a stem and a noun class suffix are combined,

<sup>19</sup> Despite being infrequent in Chakali (n = 19, l = 6, m = 54, ŋ 8), "the verb ɲáŋŋɪ́'be worse' is a Vagla verb with normal-for-Vagla form" (T. Naden, p.c.).

#### 3 Phonotactics

e.g /gʊm/ (cl.3), gʊ̀má sg and gʊ̀nsá pl 'hump(s)'. Table 28 provides some examples (see Section 3.2.2.1 for similar processes at word boundaries).


Table 28: Word-internal nasal place assimilation

Rule 4 captures the phenomenon.

## **Rule 4** N-regressive assimilation

A nasal consonant assimilates the place feature of the following consonant (conditions: internal and external sandhi).

C[+nasal] *→* [*α*place] / \_ C [*α*place]

**3.2.1.2 Nasalisation of verbal suffixes.** The two suffixes under consideration are discussed in Section 4.1.4.1 and 5.3. The first is the perfective suffix. It takes either the form -je/jɛ or -wa. The quality of the surface vowel depends on (i) whether the verb takes the assertive suffix (glossed foc, standing for 'in focus'), and (ii) the vowel quality of the verbal stem. To isolate each effect, negating a proposition makes sure that the assertive suffix does not appear on the verb. The second is the assertive suffix, which can appear on a verb stem both in the imperfective and perfective aspects. To portray the two suffixes in a non-nasal environment, the verb kpé 'crack and remove' in Table 29 is placed in two paradigms (reproduced from Section 4.3).

Since this section is concerned with nasalisation, the meaning and function of each form is ignored. As seen from the examples, and leaving tones aside, the verbal stem kpé has two forms in the negative and three in the positive. The positive is seen as a paradigm in which the event is in focus, as opposed to the argument ʊ 'she' of the predicate kpé. Because of atr-harmony (Section 4.2), the perfective suffix -je/-jɛ agrees in atr with the stem vowel and is rendered -je (perfective negative form kpéjè). In the affirmative, when assertive suffix -u/-ʊ

> Table 29: kpé 'crack and remove' (c&r) (a) Positive fut ʊ̀ kàá kpē 'She will c&r' ipfv ʊ̀ʊ̀ kpéū 'She is c-&r-ing' pfv ʊ̀ kpéjòō 'She c-&r-ed' imp kpé 'C&r!' (b) Negative ʊ̀ wàá kpè 'She will not c&r' ʊ̀ wàà kpé 'She is not c-&r-ing' ʊ̀ wà kpéjè 'She did not c-&r-ed' té kpéì 'Don't c&r!'

follows -je, the two vowels coalesce, the assertive suffix is lowered and the two surface as [oo]. A process similar to (11) accounts for the negative and positive perfective forms.

(11) kpe-j[–hi, –ro] *→ α*atr *→* kpe-je *→* kpeje-[+hi,+ro] *→* kpejoo

The explanation for the form kpéū is equivalent, except that the perfective suffix is not involved. Thus, the verbal stem triggering the atr agreement on the assertive suffix is the only step accounted for. The process in shown in (12).

(12) kpe-[+hi,+ro] *→ α*atr *→* kpeu

Nasalisation takes place within these two processes. For instance, when the verb stem sáŋá 'sit' is placed in the same environment as kpé in Table 29, all vowels following the velar nasal are nasalized.<sup>20</sup> The process is shown in (13).

$$\begin{aligned} \text{(13)} \quad & \text{a. } \mathsf{saga-} [-\mathsf{H}\mathsf{I}, -\mathsf{RO}] \rightarrow \alpha \mathsf{ATR} \rightarrow \alpha \mathsf{NASA} \rightarrow \mathsf{sany(\mathfrak{s})j\hat{\mathsf{e}}(\hat{\mathfrak{e}})-[+\mathsf{H}\mathsf{I}, +\mathsf{RO}] \rightarrow \mathsf{sany(\mathfrak{s})j\hat{\mathsf{e}}\mathfrak{e} \\ & \text{b. } \mathsf{saga-} [+\mathsf{H}\mathsf{I}, +\mathsf{RO}] \rightarrow \alpha \mathsf{ATR} \rightarrow \alpha \mathsf{NASA} \rightarrow \mathsf{sany\hat{\mathsf{e}}\mathfrak{e} \end{aligned} $$

In this environment, the vowels are automatically nasalized, even when the approximant of the perfective suffix intervenes. Rule 5 attempts to capture the process.

<sup>20</sup> The interplay of vowel coalescence and length is not yet fully understood. This is reflected in the current state of the orthography.

3 Phonotactics

# **Rule 5** N-harmony A non-nasal vowel assimilates the nasal feature of a nasal segment, with or without an intervening consonant. V *→* [+nasal] / [+nasal] C<sup>0</sup> \_

**3.2.1.3 Vowel epenthesis and vowel reduction.** Vowel epenthesis refers to the insertion of a vowel in specific phonological contexts. First, the pronunciation of loan words is treated.<sup>21</sup> Second, the occurrences of the surface vowel [ə] are regarded as either cases of vowel epenthesis or the reduction of underlying vowels in specific environments.

One should be careful in assuming that the insertion of [ə] is phonologicallydriven. Take the case of loan words, particularly those ultimately coming from English. It is not clear whether the presence of [ə] in the Chakali word form [bə̆ ̀lùù] 'blue' is an example of vowel epenthesis, i.e. (*<* bluu), or perhaps a case of vowel reduction, i.e. (*<* buluu). On the one hand, the consonant sequence /bl/ is not attested, therefore vowel epenthesis in an impossible consonant sequence could provide an explanation for the presence of the vowel [ə]. On the other hand, given our knowledge of the sociolinguistic situation, the majority of the English words used by Chakali speakers were introduced by speakers of neighbouring languages. Thus it is more likely that a speaker borrows the form bəluu – with the schwa – than without it. The latter scenario suggests that [ə] in bəluu does not come from vowel epenthesis produced by the phonology of Chakali, but perhaps from other phonologies. Other examples of loan words from English are tə̆ ́rádʒà 'trouser' and báátə̀rbɪɪ́ ́'battery', to mention a couple. However if [ə] in bəluu is rejected as a case of vowel epenthesis, 'live' examples of borrowing which are or have been nativized are needed.

On a field trip, I was given a dog and named it 'Taat', but the community members called him táátə̀ (see footnote 6). In this case the vowel [ə] could be treated as a true case of vowel epenthesis: alveolar plosives are prohibited in word-final position and the vowel [ə] is inserted, which allows for the syllabification of the expression as CVV.CV, i.e. .taa.tə.. In general, it seems that vowel epenthesis in loan words should be treated case by case. Nonetheless there are good reasons to believe that Chakali uses vowel epenthesis as a common strategy to allow the syllabification of some phonological sequences (see Section 3.1.2).

**Rule 6** Vowel reduction

A vowel changes into a schwa in a weak syllable. V *→* ə / CV.C \_ .CV

<sup>21</sup> On loan nouns in particular, see Section 3.2.6. Section 3.1.2 touches upon a similar topic.

## **Rule 7** Vowel epenthesis

A schwa is inserted between a coda consonant and an onset consonant. *∅ →* ə / VC. \_ .CV

In addition to its presence in loan words, the vowel [ə] is found in cases of vowel reduction and vowel epenthesis conditioned by the position of certain segments and syllabification procedures. A vowel reduction takes place when a vowel occurs in a weak syllable (Section 3.1.2). Also, as mentioned above, vowel epenthesis can create proper sequences for syllabification. In Table 30, the first three examples are cases of vowel reduction, whereas the four at the bottom of the table are cases of vowel epenthesis. Rules 6 and 7 account for the observed phenomena.<sup>22</sup>


Table 30: Vowel reduction and epenthesis

The words in Table 30 show that it is either in the weak syllables, or in order to create a weak syllable (due to the adjacency of two consonants in the underlying form) that a vowel [ə] surfaces. The position of the vowel [ə] in the word mánkə̀rː 'type of yam' is not consistent with the three others and its realization can only be explained by the presence of the trill in coda position, which may cause a vowel to lose the exclusive control of the nucleus of the syllable. However, in Chakali most of the yam names are borrowed.<sup>23</sup>

This section gave an overview of why and how the surface vowel [ə] appears, and further established that whenever two stems meet to form a word, if the first

<sup>22</sup> Rule 7 overgenerates: an improvement would say that the less sonorant the flanking consonants are, the more likely the schwa is perceived.

<sup>23</sup> The tone melody HL on disyllabic words is rare and typical of English loan words, but, obviously, no yam appellations come from English.

3 Phonotactics

ends with a consonant and the second begins with a consonant, i.e. VC*i*][C*j*V, the vowel [ə] is inserted between the two consonants. After syllabification the last consonant of the first morpheme becomes onset of a syllable and the vowel [ə] functions as the nucleus of that syllable, i.e. V]*σ*[C*i*ə]*σ*[C*j*V.

## **3.2.2 External sandhi**

External sandhi refers to processes found at word boundaries. Two cases of assimilation are presented.

**3.2.2.1 Nasal place assimilation.** Nasal place assimilation at word boundaries occurs in the environment where the subject pronoun 1.sg.wk 'I' immediately precedes a verbal lexeme. The 1.sg.wk pronoun is represented by /N/ in (14).

	- c. /N]*wb* sɔ nɪɪ foc/ *→* [ǹ sɔ́nɪɪ́ ́rā] 'I'm bathing'

Moreover, the same nasal place assimilation occurs in an environment where the possessive pronoun immediately precedes a nominal lexeme. As in (14) /N/ stands for the first person singular possessive pronoun in (15). Rule 4 of Section 3.2.1.1 describes both word-internal and -external nasal place assimilation.<sup>24</sup>

(15) a. /N]*wb* gar/ *→* [ŋ̩ ̀ gàŕ] 'My cloth' b. /N]*wb* par/ *→* [m̩ ̀ pár] 'My hoe' c. /N]*wb* ʔul/ *→* [ǹ̩ ʔúl] 'My navel'

**3.2.2.2 Focus particle's place assimilation and vowel harmony.** Focus encodes assertive information and has different forms in the language (Section 5.3). One of the forms is a focus particle which always follows a noun phrase. This particle is glossed as foc and represented as /*RV*/, in which R is an abstract consonant (the surface default is [r]) and V a vowel. The possible patterns responsible for the form of the focus particle are listed in (16).<sup>25</sup>

(16) a. V[–atr] C[-lat, -nas] ]*wb* /RV/ *→* [ra] par ra'hoe foc'

<sup>24</sup> The possessive pronouns are sometimes lengthened (Section 3.3.5).

<sup>25</sup> Note that this is not a case of syntactic gemination since no underlying segments are doubled.


The patterns presented in (16) are exhaustive. Taking (16a) as an example, it should be read as follows: [ra] is the surface form of the focus particle if the preceding vowel is –atr and the immediately preceding consonant is {-lat(eral), -nas(al)}. The quality of the vowel is predicted by the harmony rules of Section 4.2. When there is no immediately preceding consonant, the surface consonant is [r], e.g. à tàà rá 'the language foc', à píí ré 'the yam mound foc', and à kpólúŋkpōō rò 'the type of bird foc'. The surface consonant [w] is sometimes found in environments where [r] is expected. An alternation[w] - [r] as onset of the focus marker is presented in Section 4.3.1.

# **4 Suprasegmentals**

At a word level, nasalisation, tone patterns, and vowel harmony are phenomena which are treated as suprasegmentals. Nasalisation phenomena were discussed under sandhi processes. In this section, two suprasegmental aspects of language are treated: tone and intonation, and vowel harmony.

# **4.1 Tone and intonation**

Chakali is a tone language with both lexical and grammatical tone. Tones are distinctive pitch variations and are contrastive in the language since they can

#### 4 Suprasegmentals

affect the meaning of words/phrases, where the words/phrases consist of exactly the same segmental sequences.

Distinct tonal melodies at the lexical level provide evidence that a pitch distinction affects the meaning of words comprising identical sequences of segments. An example of three different tonal melodies, using the minimal triplet, is ŋmɛ́ná 'okro', ŋmɛ́nà 'to cut' and ŋmɛ̀ná 'chisel'. The same can be said about tonal melodies at the phrasal level. Thus, the sentences ǹ̩ǹ̩ dí kʊ́ʊ́ rá 'I am eating t.z.' and ǹ̩ dí kʊ̄ʊ̄rā 'I ate t.z.' are composed of the same sequence of segments (except the length of the pronoun in subject function), but it is mainly the tonal melody which distinguishes the former utterance from the latter. Minimal examples involving intonation are shown in Section 4.1.4.3.

Table 31 displays the tonal melodies of the singular noun category. These are words uttered in isolation, so the tones are cut off from contextual influences. The subtables are divided according to the moraic content of the syllable. The logical possibilities are accommodated with an example.

Based on the evidence of nominal paradigms, two tones are suggested, i.e. high (H) and low (L). They are transcribed on segments with an acute and a grave accent, respectively. Since tones are assigned to moras, light syllables can get a single tone, i.e. H or L. The heavy syllables may get high (H) or low (L), or either one of the contour tones, i.e. falling (HL) or rising (LH). A mid tone is often perceived, but no contrast is found at the lexical level. Provisionally, the mid tone is said to be a derived tone, that is, a raised low tone or a lowered high tone. On rare occasions I perceived a falling tone on the last vowel of a word, e.g. bùgùnsô'stupidity'.

Vagla, Dɛg, Tampulma, Sisaala, and Pasaale are all described with two tones (Rowland & Rowland 1965; Crouch & Smiles 1966; Bergman, Gray & Gray 1969; Toupin 1995; Crouch & Herbert 2003) One finds in this literature descriptions of two-tone systems and a considerable number of tone rules. I am not going to delve in that area in detail, but among them, a downstep rule lowers a high tone (i.e. ꜜH) when a low tone intervenes between two high tones, e.g. dʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ̀ (sg. HL), dʊ̃ ́ꜜsá(pl. HLH). This is however not consistently identified in the dictionary.

Falling intonation is a phrasal property by which a sequence of tones is cumulatively lowered; underlyingly though, the tones are either high or low. This gradual pitch fall may result in a low tone at the beginning of a phrase being as high as a high tone at the end of the phrase. Example (17) illustrates the phenomenon. While the first line shows how the tones are perceived, the second line provides the lexical tones normally associated with each of the words.<sup>26</sup>

<sup>26</sup> There is an important level of analysis lacking in this description in that there are no tone rules to account for phrasal and lexical intonations, so example (17) must be interpreted with vigilance.


## Table 31: Tonal patterns of singular nouns



4 Suprasegmentals

(17) – – váà dog – – tʃʊ̀á lie – – dɪ̀á house – – nʊ̃ ̀ã́ mouth – nɪ́ postp 'A dog lies at the entrance of a house.'

Generally seen as a discourse function, Chakali has a falling final pitch at the end of polar question (see Section 2.2.2). Final vowel lengthening is also perceived, but not consistently. Falling final pitch is marked with a bottom tone diacritic on a vowel [v̏]. Rule 8 describes the intonation of polar questions (drop of pitch) by the addition of an extra-low tone.

**Rule 8** Polar question drop

An extra-low tone is added at the utterance-final boundary in polar question

# **4.2 Vowel harmony**

Vowel harmony is a process in which all the vowels in a particular domain come to share one or more phonological feature(s). This agreement is triggered in specific phonological domains and has a particular direction which is often treated as the spreading of one or more vowel feature(s). In Section 2.1, evidence was provided for the establishment of nine underlying vowels with five –atr and four +atr vowels. This type of vowel inventory has been referred to as a five-height (5Ht) system (Casali 2003b: 308), in which the feature atr is contrastive within both the +hi and [–hi, –lo] vowels (see Table 1). Dakubu (1997: 81–82) and Casali (2003b: 312) maintain that it is the most common inventory among Gur and Kwa languages.

In Section 2.1.9, the –atr specification of the low vowel at the phonemic level was assumed on the basis of its behavior with the set of –atr vowels. In fact, the realization of the low vowel in vowel harmony suggests that the set of vowels specified as –atr contains the low vowel. To illustrate the properties of vowel harmony, let us consider how they function in monosyllabic noun roots. Consider the data in Table 32.

Chakali is a language with noun classes (see Section 3.2.1). A class is defined as a pair of singular and plural suffixes associated with a particular root. Table 32 shows that only three vowels can occur in the plural suffix position, i.e. [a], [e], and [o]. The distribution is such that when the suffixes occur after a stem containing any member of the set {ɪ, ɛ, ɔ, ʊ, a}, they are realized as -a. The plural suffix vowel -eis realized when the root features are [+atr, –ro], whereas the


Table 32: Vowel harmony in nouns

plural suffix vowel -o is realized when the root features are [+atr, +ro]. Notice that the height feature(s) of a vowel is irrelevant in all cases (see Stewart & Leynseele (1979) for cross-height vowel harmony). Rules 9 and 10 accommodate the surface forms of Table 32.

## **Rule 9** Noun classes realization (1)

A noun class suffix vowel becomes +atr if preceded by a +atr stem vowel, and shares the same value for the feature ro as the one specified on the preceding stem vowel.


**Rule 10** Noun classes realization (2)

A noun class suffix vowel becomes -a if the preceding stem vowel is ɪ, ɛ, ɔ, ʊ or a. -V*nc →* +lo / –atr C<sup>0</sup> \_

The same rules may be used to account for the vowel quality of the focus marker (Section 3.2.2.2) and the verbal suffixes (Section 3.2.1.2). Yet, the rules need to be rewritten in order to be applicable to wider domains and elements than those defined in their definition. Rules 11 and 12 break down Rules 9 and 10 into components able to be applied to other relevant domains.

4 Suprasegmentals

## **Rule 11** atr harmony

A vowel suffix agrees with the atr value of the preceding stem/word vowel (domains: noun classes, verbal suffixes, focus marker). V *→* [*α*atr] / [*α*atr] C<sup>0</sup> \_

## **Rule 12** ro harmony

A vowel suffix agree with the ro value of the preceding stem/word vowel (domains: noun classes, verbal suffixes, focus marker). V *→* [*α*ro] / [*α*ro] C<sup>0</sup> \_

Up to the present, the data suggest that the low vowel is excluded from cooccurring with +atr vowels. So the prediction seems to be that if a word contains a +atr vowel, either the low vowel /a/ cannot be realized and is thus changed by (one of) the above rules, or the low vowel is banned altogether from the underlying form. Caution is necessary, however, since complex stem nouns (Section 3.2.3) are attested containing both low vowels and +atr vowels, e.g. pàzèŋ́ (par-zeŋ, hoe-big) 'big hoe'. Moreover, some multisyllabic words which cannot be treated as morphologically complex due to their lack of morphological transparency do appear with both a +atr vowel and the low vowel, e.g. dáárɪ́'dig' vs. dààrì 'be half asleep'. When they do co-occur the general tendency is for a low vowel to precede any +atr vowels in a word.

Across phrase boundaries, when the postposition nɪ occurs between the focus particle and the preceding nominal (see Section 2.6.4 on the postposition and Sections 3.8 and 5.3 on the focus particle), the focus particle's vowel agrees with the vowel features of the preceding word despite the fact that the required adjacency is no longer satisfied (Section 3.2.2.2). This can be noticed especially in normal-speech rate and context.

	- b. à art pùl river ní postp rō/rē. foc 'on/at the river'

In (18), there is a retention of harmony across phrase boundaries, either because the postposition becomes 'transparent' and vowel-harmony can still operate (i.e. though not the place assimilation of consonant) or because the high

vowel of the postposition itself acquires the relevant vowel features of the preceding word. The fact that either ro or re can surface as focus marker shows that i) the ro feature may be controlled by a non-adjacent word, and/or ii) +atr may be a vowel feature of the postposition.<sup>27</sup> Because it is more reduced, the quality of the high front vowel is difficult to hear at normal speech rate in that position, thus the distinction between the –atr and +atr versions is not always reflected in the transcription of the postposition.

<sup>27</sup> A more extreme case is found in example (71c).

# **Grammar outline**

# **1 Introduction**

This chapter provides a broad outline of the grammar and introduces those aspects needed to understand the formations of words and sentences found in the dictionary. Further, it acts as a preliminary grammar of the language, which is and will always be essential for future description and analysis since it sets forth claims to be confirmed, rejected, challenged, or improved. First, the common clause structure, the main elements of syntax and clause coordination and subordination are presented. Then, elements of the nominal domain are introduced, followed by the elements of the verbal domain. Finally, aspects of grammatical pragmatics and selected language usage phenomena are examined. The work is descriptive and employs theory grounded in traditional grammar, but influenced by recent work in linguistic typology. When necessary, the relevant theoretical assumptions are introduced and the relevant literature provided. Recall that the full list of glossing tags is available on page xiv and the glossing convention is discussed in Section 2.3.

# **2 Clause**

A clause is a grammatical unit that can express a proposition. A clause which can stand as a complete utterance is an independent clause. When a grammatically correct clause cannot stand on its own, it is dependent on a main clause. Three sorts of speech act are presented in this section: the statement, the question, and the command. The former is by default encoded in a declarative clause (Section 2.1), and the latter two are usually encoded in interrogative clauses (Section 2.2), imperative clauses (Section 2.3), and exclamative clauses (Section 2.4) respectively. Constructions are treated as clause-types; constructions are formal and semantic frames which are conventionalized and display both compositional and non-compositional characteristics. In this section the components of the common independent clauses and constructions encountered are presented. In Section 2.5, clause coordination and subordination are introduced. Section 2.6

covers the adjunct constituents responsible for modifying a main predicate and the function of the postposition.

# **2.1 Declarative clause**

Statements may be expressed by a series of declarative clause types. The structure of most common clauses consists of a simple predicate, one or two arguments and an optional adjunct. This structure is represented in (1)


The predicate (p) is represented by a verbal syntactic constituent (*v*) whereas the arguments (s, a, o) are represented by nominal syntactic constituents (*n*). The adjunct constituent (ajc) may consist of words or phrases referring to time, location, manner of action, etc. (see Section 5 on adjunct types). An argument may be seen as core or peripheral. The core argument of an intransitive clause is realized in the subject position (s), which precedes the predicate.


The core arguments of a transitive clause are realized in the subject (a) and object (o), the former preceding and the latter following the predicate in their canonical positions. These characteristics are illustrated in (3).<sup>1</sup>

<sup>1</sup> Focus (foc) may be integrated into the verb or coded in a focus particle, among others. Section 3.2.2.2 presents the various forms foc can take.

#### 2 Clause

Grammatical relations are primarily determined by constituent order. Thus, the subject and object functions are not morphologically marked, except that the subject pronouns in s and a positions can have strong or weak forms (see Section 3.3.1). This is extraneous to the marking of grammatical functions but pertinent to the emphasis put on an event's participant. A peripheral argument consists of a constituent foreign to the core predication, that is, an argument which is not part of the core participant(s) typically associated with a predicate. As peripheral argument, an adjunct (ajc) may be realized by a single word or a phrase. Reference to space, manner, and time are the typical denotations of peripheral arguments. Adjuncts will be briefly discussed here; details are offered in Sections 2.6 and 5.

Adjuncts are optional with respect to the main predication and can be added to both intransitive and transitive clauses, as shown in (4a), as well as (3b) and (3c) above (see Sections 2.1.6, 2.6.4, and 2.6.3 for discussions on the postposition).

	- ʊ̀ psg ɲʊ̃ ́ã́ drink à art nɪɪ́ ́ water làɣálàɣá ideo nɪ̀. postp 'He drank the water quickly.'

A variation of the prototype clause in (1) is a clause containing an additional core argument. Dixon (2010: 116) calls a clause which contains an additional core argument, that is, an extended argument (i.e. e), an *extended* (intransitive or transitive) clause. The difference between an adjunct and an additional core argument is not a clear-cut one; still, the locative phrase in (5) is treated as an additional core argument of the predicate bile 'put'. In Section 2.6.3, an oblique phrase is defined as a clause constituent whose semantics is characterized by an affected or effected object, although realized in a postpositional phrase. Thus, the extended argument tìwìzéŋ nʊ̃ ̀ã̀ nɪ̄'by a main road' in (5) should be treated as an oblique object.

(5) a + p + o + e ŋmɛ́ŋtɛ́l spider a sìì raise.up p à conn bìlè put ʊ̀ 3.sg.poss o kùó farm tìwìzéŋ road.large e nʊ̃ ̀ã̀ reln nɪ.̄ postp 'Spider went to establish his farm by a main road.' [LB 003]

A ditransitive clause consists of a transitive clause with an additional core argument. In Chakali, the verb tɪɛ 'give', a predicate that conceptually implies both a Recipient (R) and a Theme (T), forces its (right-)adjacent argument in object position to be interpreted as beneficiary of the situation. The thing transferred (T) can never follow the verb if the beneficiary of the transfer (R) is realized. This is shown in (6).

(6) a. kàlá a K. tɪɛ́ ́ p give àfɪá́ o*R* A. à lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀. e*T* art car 'Kala gave Afia the car.' b. kàlá a K. tɪɛ́ ́ p give ʊ̄ o*R* 3sg à lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀. e*T* art car 'Kala gave her the car.' c. \* Kala tɪɛ a lɔɔlɪ Afia.

> d. \* Kala tɪɛ ʊ Afia.

The assumption is that the verb tɪɛ 'give' is transitive and its extended argument is always the transferred entity (i.e. Theme) in a ditransitive clause. This is supported by the extensive use of the *manipulative serial verb construction* (see Section 2.1.5), used as an alternative strategy, in order to express transfer of possession and information.

(7) kàlá a K. kpá p take à lɔ́ɔ́rɪ̀/ ʊ̄ o*T* art car / 3.sg tɪ̀ɛ̀ p give áfɪá. ́ o*R* A.

'Kala gave the car/it to Afia.' (*lit.* Kala take the car/it give Afia.)

The extended argument in sentence (6a) and (6b) above is the Theme argument of the verb kpa 'take' in the serial verb construction in (7). Ditransitive clauses are very rare in the text corpus despite their grammaticality (see 2.3 for information on the text corpus). If both Recipient and Theme occur in one clause it is usually

#### 2 Clause

when the Recipient is pronominal. Multi-verb clauses, which are discussed in Section 2.1.5, may offer better strategies for arranging arguments and predicates than ditransitive clauses as they do not overload a predication with new information. The following subsections present various clause types and constructions which are based on the declarative clause structure introduced above.

## **2.1.1 Identificational clause**

An identificational clause can express generic and ordinary categorizations, or assert the identity of two expressions. Generic categorization involves the classification of a subset to a set (e.g. Farmers are humans), whereas an ordinary categorization holds between a specific entity and a generic set (e.g. Wusa is a farmer). The clause can assert the identity of the referents of two specific entities, a clause type also known as equative (e.g. Wusa is the farmer). The examples in (8) illustrate the distinctions.

	- c. Identity
		- i. wʊ̀sá W. jáá ident à art tɔ́ɔ́tɪɪ̄nā̄ landlord 'Wusa is the landlord.'
		- ii. wʊ̀sá W. jáá ident à art báàl man tɪ̀ŋ art ká egr sáŋɛ̃ɛ̄̃ ̄ sit.pfv kéŋ̀ dxm 'Wusa is the man sitting like this.'
		- iii. à art báàl man tɪ̀ŋ art kà egr sáŋɛ̃ɛ̄̃ ̄ sit.pfv kéŋ̀ dxm jáá ident wʊ̀sá W. 'The man sitting like this is Wusa.'

The verb jaa (glossed ident) always occurs between two nominal expressions, and, as shown in the last two examples in (8c), their order does not matter, except

for the generic categorization where the order is always [hyponym jaa hyperonym]. So, the sentences pápátá rá jāā wʊ̀sá 'farmer foc is Wusa' and à tɔ́ɔ́tɪɪ̄nā̄ jāā wʊ̀sá 'landlord foc is Wusa' are as acceptable as in the order given in (8b) and the first example in (8c).

## **2.1.2 Existential clause**

One type of existential clause is the basic locative construction, which is described in Section 2.1.6. Its two main characteristics are the obligatory presence of the postposition nɪ, which signals that the phrase contains the conceptual ground, and the presence of a locative predicate or the general existential predicate dʊa. An example is provided in (9).

(9) à art báál man dʊ́ɔ́ be.at à art dɪ̀à house nɪ.̄ postp 'The man is at/in the house.'

The existential predicate dʊa is glossed 'be at', but it is not the case that it is only used in spatial description. For instance, adhering to a religion may be expressed using the existential predicate dʊa and the postposition nɪ, e.g. ʊ̀ dʊ́á jàrɪɪ́ ́nɪ̄'he/she is a Muslim', even though no space reference is involved in such an utterance.

An existential clause is also used in order to express that something is at hand, accessible or obtainable. The clause in (10a) is called here the availability construction. It slightly differs from the locative construction in (10b) because of the absence of the postposition nɪ.

	- b. à art mòlèbíí money dʊ̄ā be.at dé dem nɪ̀ postp 'The money is there.'

Another use is the attribution of a property ascribed to a participant. The example in (11) reads literally 'a sickness is at Wojo', i.e. a person named Wojo is sick. In addition to the clause presented in (11), an ascribed property may also be conveyed in a possessive clause (see Section 2.1.3).

2 Clause

(11) gàràgá sickness dʊ́á be.at wòjò W. nɪ.̄ postp 'Wojo is sick.'

The verb dʊa is the only verb with an allolexe (i.e. a combinatorial variant of a single lexeme) used only in the negative. Consider (12).

(12) a. ʊ̀ 3sg dʊ́á be.at dɪ̀à house nɪ.̄ postp 'She is in the house.'

> b. ʊ̀ 3sg wáá neg tùò neg.be.at dɪ̀à house nɪ̀. postp 'She is not in the house.'

c. \*ʊ tuo dɪa nɪ

d. \*ʊ waa dʊa dɪa nɪ

## **2.1.3 Possessive clause**

A possessive clause expresses a relation between a possessor and a possessed. It consists of the verb kpaga 'have', and two nominal expressions acting as subject and object; the former being the possessor (psor) of the relation, while the latter being the possessed (psed).

(13) kàlá K. psor kpágá have nã̀ɔ̃ ̀ cow psed rā. foc 'Kala has a cow'

Example (13) says that an animate alienable possession relates Kala (possessor) and a cow (possessed). Since the *have-*construction does not encode animacy or alienability features, staple food can 'have' lumps, i.e. kàpálà kpágá bīē, and someone can 'have' a senior brother, i.e. ʊ̀ kpágá bɪɛ́ ́rɪ̀. Abstract possession may also be conveyed using the same construction. In (14), shame, hunger, thirst, and sickness are conceived as the possessors, the possessed being the person experiencing these feelings.

(14) a. hɪ̃ɪ̀̃sáá ̀ shame kpāgā have à art hã́ã̀ŋ woman kɪ̀ŋkáŋ̀. much 'The woman was ashamed …' [CB 034]


Some characteristics ascribed to animate entitites are expressed by the relational term tɪɪna 'person characterized by, or in possession of' and thus may be expressed in an existential clause (15a) rather than a possessive clause (15b).

(15) a. ʊ̀ 3.sg psor jáá ident sísɪámà-tɪ ́ ɪ́ná. ́ seriousness-owner psed 'He is serious' b. ʊ̀ 3.sg kpágá have sísɪámà ́ seriousness rá. foc 'He is serious'

# **2.1.4 Non-verbal clause**

As its name suggests, a non-verbal clause is a clause without verbal elements. Its main function is to identify or assert the (non-)existence of something. The examples in (16b) and (17) assert the (non-)existence of a referent with a single nominal expression, followed by the focus particle in the affirmative and the negative particle in the negative (see Section 3.8 on focus and negation).

	- b. ŋ̀ 1sg kɪń thing nā. foc 'It is mine.'

2 Clause


Correspondingly the manner deictics keŋ and nɪŋ are also found in non-verbal clauses. For instance, kéŋ né means 'That is it!', but the same string is more often heard as kéŋ nȅȅ 'Is that so/it?', i.e. constructed as a polar question (see Section 2.2.2 on polar questions, and Section 5.1 on keŋ and nɪŋ).

Finally, a speaker may utter mɪn nà ́ 'it is me' in order to say that he or she must be identified by the addressee. This utterance consists solely of the third singular strong pronoun, which refers to the discourse-given entity and someone whose identity will be established by the addressee, and is followed by the focus particle (see Section 3.3 on pronouns).

## **2.1.5 Multi-verb clause**

A multi-verb clause is a clause containing more than one verb. The main type of multi-verb clause is the serial verb construction (SVC), the definition of which is still subject to contention. Let us start by stating that the SVC in Chakali has the following properties: (i) a SVC is a sequence of verbs which act together as a single predicate, (ii) each verb in the series could occur as a predicate on its own, (iii) no connectives surface (coordination or subordination), (iv) tense, aspect, mood, and/or polarity are marked only once, (v) a verb involved in a SVC may be formally shortened, (vi) transitivity is common to the series, so arguments are shared (one argument obligatorily), (vii) the verbs in the series are not necessarily contiguous, and (viii) the grammar does not limit the number of verbs. These characteristics are not uncommon for SVCs in West Africa (Ameka 2005).

Even though the construction has more than one verb, it describes a single event and does not contain markers of subordination or coordination. The first sequence of verbs in (18) illustrates the phenomenon.

(18) à art kɪ̀rɪ̀nsá tsetse.fly.pl m̩ ̀ 1.sg màsɪ̀ beat [*v* kpʊ́ kill *v*] àká conn dʊ̀gʊ̀nɪ̀ chase [*v* tá. let.free *v*]

'I beat and killed the tsetse flies, and drove them away.' [CB 023]

Together, the verbs masɪ 'beat' and kpʊ 'kill' in (18) constitute a single event. The same can be said about the verbs dʊgʊnɪ 'chase' and ta 'let free' in the second clause following the connective. If the clause following the connective aka lacks a subject, the subject of the preceding clause shares its reference in the two clauses (see Section 2.5.1.2 on the connective aka). The situation in (18) is one where an SVC is separated from another multi-verb clause by the connective aka, and the three verbs masɪ, kpʊ and dʊgʊnɪ share the reference of the nominal a kɪrɪnsa'the tsetse flies' as their Theme argument and m̩ ̀ as their Agent argument, i.e. o and s respectively. The role of the verb ta in the sentence depicted in (18) is discussed at the end of this section.

Tense/aspect (19a), mood (19b), and/or polarity value (19c) are marked only once, usually with preverb particles. This means that they are not repeated for each verb of the predicate. The preverb particles are discussed in Section 4.2.

	- b. ǹ̩ 1.sg há mod màsɪ̀ beat kpʊ́ kill à art kɪ̀rɪ̀nsá tsetse.fly.pl rá. foc 'I am still beating and killing the tsetse flies.'
	- c. ǹ̩ 1.sg wà neg másɪ́ beat kpʊ́ kill à art kɪ̀rɪ̀nsá. tsetse.fly.pl 'I did not beat and kill the tsetse flies.'

SVCs must share at least one core argument. The example (20) is an instance of argument sharing: the two verbs in the construction share the (referent of the) noun foto 'picture' and are not contiguous. The transitive verb tawa 'pierce' takes foto as its object, and similarly laga takes foto as its subject. A representation of object-subject sharing (or switch sharing) appears under the free translation in (20).

(20) Object-subject sharing hɛ̀mbɪɪ́ ́ nail táwá pierce *v* fótò picture làgà hang *v* dáá wood nɪ.́ postp 'A picture hangs from a nail on a wooden pole.' foto *< x<sup>i</sup> >* tawa *<*a= *y* , o= *x<sup>i</sup> >* laga *<*a= *x<sup>i</sup>* , o = *z >*

#### 2 Clause

Subject-subject and object-object sharing are more common than object-subject sharing. In (21), the nominal expression a kɪrɪnsa is the shared object of three verbs, i.e. masɪ, kpʊ and dʊgʊnɪ, and similarly the pronoun m̩ is the shared subject for the same three verbs. However, only masɪ and kpʊmake up the SVC.

(21) Subject-subject and Object-object sharing à art kɪ̀rɪ̀nsá tsetse.fly.pl m̩ ̀ 1.sg màsɪ̀ beat kpʊ́ kill àká conn dʊ̀gʊ̀nɪ̀ chase tá. let.free 'I beat and killed the tsetse flies, and drove them away.' m̩ *< x<sup>i</sup> >* kɪrɪnsa *< y<sup>j</sup> >* masɪ *<*a= *x<sup>i</sup>* , o= *y<sup>j</sup> >* dʊgʊnɪ *<*a= *x<sup>i</sup>* , o = *y<sup>j</sup> >*

SVCs often involve two verbs, but there can be three or more verbs involved. Examples of three-verb and four-verb sequences are given in (22). Each of the verbs involved can otherwise act alone as main predicate. Notice that the free translations provided do not accommodate well the idea that the two examples in (22) are conceived as single event. In Section 2.5, it will be shown that connectives are usually present when one wishes to distinguish events.

(22) a. ʊ̀ 3.sg síí rise *v*1 kààlɪ̄ go *v*2 nà. see *v*3 'She stood, went, and saw (it).' b. ʊ̀ 3.sg brá turn *v*1 tùù go.down *v*2 tʃɔ́ run *v*3 kààlɪ̀. go *v*4 'She returned down and ran away' (from a tree top or hill)

A manipulative serial verb construction (Ameka & Essegbey 2006: 378) is a SVC which expresses a transfer of possession (e.g. give, bring, put) or information (e.g. tell). It consists of the verb kpa 'take' and another verb following it. The example in (7), repeated in (23), illustrates a transfer of possession.

(23) Manipulative serial verb construction kàlá K. kpá take *v* à lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀/ ʊ̄ art car / 3.sg tɪ̀ɛ̀ give *v* áfɪá. ́ A. 'Kala gave the car/it to Afia.'

Frequent collocations of the type presented in (23) are kpa wa, *lit.* take come, 'bring', kpa kaalɪ, *lit.* take go, 'send', kpa pɛ, *lit.* take add, 'add', kpa ta, *lit.* take let free, 'remove', kpa bile, *lit.* take put, 'put (on)' and kpa dʊ, *lit.* take put, 'put (in)'. The two verbs may or may not be contiguous; usually the Theme argument of the verb kpa'take' is found between the two verbs.

Finally, some multi-verb clauses are not SVCs. There are a few verbs which bear a relation to the main predication and contribute aspects of the phase of execution or scope of an event.<sup>2</sup> For instance, a *terminative* construction describes an event coming to an end or reaching a termination, and a *relinquishment* construction describes an event whose result is the release or abandonment of someone or something. The verbs peti 'finish' and ta 'abandon' in (24a) and (24c), together with a non-stative predication, determine each construction.

(24) a. Terminative construction

làɣálàɣá ideo hán dem nɪ̀ postp ǹ̩ 1.sg kʊ̀tɪ̀ skin *v* à art ʔã́ã́ bushbuck pétí. finish *v*

'I just finished skinning the bushbuck.'


'Let me go!'

d. à art bʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ŋ goat tá abandon ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3.sg.poss bìè child rē. foc 'The goat abandoned its kids.'

<sup>2</sup> These verbs are similar to what Bonvini (1988: 108) calls *auxiliant*.

#### 2 Clause

The examples in (24a) and (24c), which may be called *phasal constructions*, 3 are treated as multi-verb clauses since the predication is expressed with more than one verb. Yet, they are not SVCs because the second verb in each example only specifies aspects of the process of the event and does not contribute to the main predication as verb sequences in SVCs do. Nonetheless, these verbs can function otherwise as main predicates, as shown in (24b) and (24d). Similarly, the verb baga 'attempt to no avail' conveys nonachievement, e.g. ʊ̀ búúré kísīē bàɣá (*lit.* he look.for knife fail) 'he looked for a knife to no avail', and the verb na 'see' conveys confirmation or verification, e.g. sʊ̀ɔ̀rɛ̀ à dɪ̀sá nā (*lit.* smell soup see) 'smell the soup'. Going back to example (21) above, the verb ta contributes to a *relinquishment* multi-verb construction, similar to (24c) above, and not to a SVC.

## **2.1.6 Basic locative construction**

The basic locative construction of a language is the prototypical and predominant construction used to locate a figure with respect to a ground (Levinson & Wilkins 2006: 15). In Chakali, it resembles the construction given in (25), although some sentences produced in elicitation contexts appear with the focus particle following the postposition nɪ. The focus particle is a pragmatic marker which identifies for the addressee the topical subject (i.e. may be distinct from the grammatical subject) and does not convey locative meaning (Section 5.3). The focus particle will be ignored in the discussion. The third line in (25) associates parts of the sentence with a conceptual level. On that line, one can find notions such as *figure* and *ground*, and trm, which stands for topological relation marker (see Brindle & Atintono 2012). These are the linguistic expressions which convey the spatial relationships in Chakali. The nominal phrase a gar 'the cloth' functions as subject and the postpositional phrase a teebul ɲuu nɪ 'on the table' functions as oblique object of the main predicate. The last line is a free translation which captures the general meaning of the situation. It is accompanied by a reference to the illustration which the first line describes.<sup>4</sup>

<sup>3</sup> The analysis of the progressive and prospective in Ewe and Dangme in Ameka & Dakubu (2008) influences the way I approach and name the phenomenon.

<sup>4</sup> Subscribing to the typology of locative predicates proposed in Ameka & Levinson (2007), the illustrations of the four stimuli created by the Language and Cognition Group at the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics (Bowerman & Pederson 1993; Ameka, De Witte & Wilkins 1999; Meira & Levinson 2001a,b) were used in chapter 7 of Brindle (2011) to provide a description of the means by which Chakali encodes spatial meaning. The results are compared with Gurenɛ data (Oti-Volta) in Brindle & Atintono (2012).

(25) [à art *figure* gár] cloth [ságá] be trm [à art téébùl ɲúù table reln *ground*+trm nɪ̀]. postp 'The cloth is on the table.' [PSPV 4]

In (25), the spatial relation is expressed via topological relation markers: the main predicate saga 'be on' or 'sit' and the relational nominal predicate ɲuu 'top of'. The main predicate saga denotes a stative event which localizes the figure with respect to the ground. The relational nominal predicate ɲuu designates the search domain and depends on the reference entity of the ground (i.e. teebul). The postposition nɪ has no other function than to signal that the oblique object is a locative phrase. The latter two topological relation markers are discussed in more detail in Sections 3.2.7 and 2.6.4.

## **2.1.7 Comparative construction**

A comparative construction has the semantic function of assigning a graded position on a predicative scale to two (possibly complex) objects. The comparative construction of inequality can be expressed with the transitive predicate kaalɪ 'exceed, surpass', whose two arguments are the objects compared.<sup>5</sup> One of the arguments represents the standard against which the other is measured and found to be unequal. The nominal expression in subject position is the *comparee*, i.e. the objective of comparison, whereas the one in object position is the *standard*, i.e. the object that serves as yardstick for comparison (Stassen 2008). The predicative scale is verbal and is normally adjacent to the comparee, but may be repeated adjacent to the standard. Given that both the scale and the transitive predicate kaalɪ are verbs, a comparative construction is a type of multi-verb clause. If the predicative scale is absent, as in (26b), one may still interpret the construction as a comparative one, in which case both the context and the meaning of the nominals involved provide the property on which the comparison is made. These characteristics are illustrated in (26).

(26) Comparative transitive construction

a. wʊ̀sáá W. [*n*]*comparee* zɪŋá́ grow [*v*]*scale* kààlɪ̀ surpass *v* áfɪá. ́ A. [*n*]*standard* 'Wusa is taller than Afia.'

<sup>5</sup> Brindle et al. (2005) presents a Lexical-Functional Grammar account of the comparative construction in Gã, a language also exhibiting an exceed- or surpass-comparative.

2 Clause

b. wʊ̀sá W. [*n* bàtʃɔ́lɪ́ running *n*] káálɪ́ surpass *v* kàlá K. [*n* bàtʃɔ́lɪ.́ running *n*] 'Wusa's running is better/faster than Kala's running.'

Another way to compose a comparative construction of inequality is with the identificational clause, as in (27). It is referred to as a comparative intransitive construction since the standard is not encoded in the grammatical object of a transitive verb, but in an oblique object following the scale.

(27) Comparative intransitive construction wʊ̀sá W. [*n*]*comparee* jáá ident *v* nɪhɪ ́ ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ̂ old [*v*]*scale* àfɪ̀á A. [*n*]*standard* nɪ.́ postp 'Wusa is older than Afia.'

The same two strategies are used to express a superlative degree: surpassing or being superior to all others is explicitly expressed by the pronoun ba 'they, them'. This is shown in (28).

(28) Superlative construction


A comparison of equality (i.e. X is same as Y) consists of a subject phrase containing both objects to be compared joined by the connective (a)nɪ followed by the scale, the verb mààsɪ̀'equal, enough, ever' and the reciprocal word dɔ̀ŋà 'each other' (see Section 3.3.6 on reciprocity and reflexivity). This is shown in (29).

(29) Comparison of equality construction wʊ̀sá W. nɪ́ conn àfɪā̄ A. bɪ̀nsá year máásé equal dɔ́ŋá recp rā. foc 'Wusa is as old as Afia.'

Finally, the verb bɔ́in (30) is a comparative transitive verb which can be translated with the English comparative adjective and preposition 'better than'.

(30) zàáŋ today tʊ́má work bɔ́ better.than *v* dɪ̀àrɛ̀ yesterday tɪ̀ŋ art tʊ̄mā. work

'Today's work is better than yesterday's work'

## **2.1.8 Modal clause**

A modal clause is a clause type expressing ability, possibility, obligation, desire, etc. The two following sections exemplify the modal clause.

**2.1.8.1 Ability-possibility** An ability-possibility construction is a clause containing the verbal kɪ̀n immediately preceding the main verb(s). The construction conveys either the physical or mental ability of something or someone, or probability or possibility under some circumstances. The construction is more frequent in the negative, but affirming an ability or possibility is also possible using this construction. The word kɪ̀nis glossed abi to refer to 'ability'.

	- a. ʊ̀ 3.sg wà neg kɪŋ́ abi wàà. come 'He is not able to come.' b. ɪ̀ kàá kɪ̀ŋ kààlʊ̄ʊ́.
	- 2.sg fut abi go.foc 'You may go.'
	- c. ǹ̩ 1.sg kàá fut kɪ̀ŋ abi wàʊ̀ come.foc tʃȉȁ? tomorrow 'May I come tomorrow?'

However the elicitation data in (32) shows that, unlike most preverbs (Section 4.2), kɪ̀n may take inflectional morphology, in this case the perfective suffix (Section 4.1.4.1).

(32) a. A: ʊ̀ 3.sg wà neg kɪŋ́ able wȁȁ? come 'Couldn't he come?' (declarative: ʊ̀ wà kɪŋ wàà.́)

2 Clause

b. B: ɛ̃ ̀ɛ̃ɛ́ ̃ ̀, yes ʊ̀ 3.sg wà neg kɪnjɛ ́ ̃ ̄ able.pfv wàà come 'Yes, he couldn't come.'

The dubitative modality construction is a construction marked by the presence of abɔnɪ̃ɛ̃nɪ in clause initial position. The expression is transcribed into a single word but may come from a-banɪ̃ɛ̃-nɪ, *lit.* art-some-postp. It is used when the occurrence of a situation or an achievement is in doubt (see nɪin Section 2.6.4).

(33) Dubitative construction


In some contexts, a speaker may prefer to use a cognitive verb in a phrase like n̩ lisie 'I think (…)' or the phrase a kʊ̃ʊ̃n̩ na, *lit.* it tires me foc, 'I wonder (…)' as an alternative to the dubitative construction.

**2.1.8.2 Desiderative** As an independent verb ŋma means 'say'. The same verb can also function in a construction [NP ŋma [NP VP]] conveying a desiderative mood, corresponding to the English modal expression 'want to'.

(34) ŋ̀ 1sg ŋmá say [ŋ́ 1sg káálɪ̀ go dùsèè D. tʃɪā]. ̄ tomorrow 'I want to go to Ducie tomorrow.'

Notice that the high tone on the 1sg pronoun subject of kààlɪ̀'go' in (34) suggests that the embedded clause is in the subjunctive mood (Section 4.1.4.5).

# **2.2 Interrogative clause**

An interrogative clause consists either of a clause (i) with an initial interrogative word/phrase (Section 3.3.4 on pro-form interrogatives), or (ii) with the absence of an initial interrogative word but the presence of an extra-low tone at the end of the clause. The former is called a 'content' question and the latter a 'polar' question.

## **2.2.1 Content question**

A content question contains an interrogative word/phrase whose typical position is clause-initial. In (35), baaŋ 'what' replaces the complement of the verb jaa, whereas (a)aŋ 'who' replaces the subject constituent of the clause. The inventory of interrogative words/phrases can be found in Section 3.3.4.

(35) a. bááŋ q.what kàlá 3.sg kàà ipfv jáà? do 'What is Kala doing?' b. àáŋ q.who káá ipfv wáá come báŋ̄? here 'Who is coming here?'

When an interrogative word/phrase is located clause-initially, it is found in the canonical position of the constituent replaced. In (36a), which is semantically equivalent to (36b), the question word aŋ 'who' appears in the object position following the transitive verb maŋa'beat' and is slightly lengthened.


## **2.2.2 Polar question**

A polar question is characterized by an interrogative intonation, consisting primarily of an extra-low tone at the end of the utterance (see Section 4.1). Additionally, lengthening of the penultimate vocalic segment takes place. The properties differentiating an assertive clause from a polar question are illustrated in (37). The extra-low tone is represented with a double grave accent (i.e. ̏).

(37) Assertion vs. question


Common to many Ghanaian languages, the agreeing response to a negative polar interrogative takes into account the logical negation, as (38) illustrates.

2 Clause

```
(38) a. Speaker
     ɪ̀
     2sg
          wàà
          neg
               kāālɪ̏ɪ̏.
               go.q
     'Aren't you going?'
 b. Addressee
     ɛ̃
      ̀ɛ̃ɛ́ ̃
        ̀.
     yes
     'No' (lit. Yes, I am not going)
```
A negative polar interrogative in English usually asks about the positive proposition, i.e. with 'Aren't you going?', the speaker presupposes that the addressee is going, while in Chakali it questions the negative proposition, i.e. with ɪ̀wàá káálɪ̏ɪ̏, the speaker's belief is that the addressee is not going. That is probably why we get 'yes' in Chakali and 'no' in English for a corresponding negative polar interrogative.

# **2.3 Imperative clause**

An imperative clause is clause expressing direct commands, requests, and prohibitions. It can be an exclusively addressee-oriented clause or can include the speaker as well. This distinction, i.e. exclusive-inclusive, is rendered in (39). In (39a) the speaker excludes herself from the performers of the action, i.e., only the addressee(s) is urged to perform the action, while in (39b) the speaker includes herself among the performers.

(39) a. Exclusive

fùùrì à díŋ dʊ̀sɪ̀.

blow art fire quench

'Blow on this flame (to extinguish it).'

b. Inclusive

tɪ̀ɛ̀ give jà 1pl mùŋ all làɣàmɛ̀ gather kààlɪ̀ go tɔ́ʊ́tɪɪ́ná́ landlord pé. end 'Let's all go to the landlord together.'

When an order is given directly to the addressee, as in (40), the clause may be introduced with the particle dɪ. Some consultants believe that omitting the particle may be perceived as rude. The particle dɪcan also implicate that performing

the action is requested by someone else than the speaker.<sup>6</sup> In addressing a command to a group, the second person plural subject pronoun usually appears in its canonical subject position, but it may be absent if the speaker believes that the context allows a single interpretation.<sup>7</sup>


Example (41a) expresses a wish of the speaker and no addressees are called for. Such a meaning is sometimes associated with optative mood. Similarly but not identically, an utterance like the one in (41b) assumes one or more addressees, yet the desired state of affairs is not in the control of anyone in particular, but of everyone. As in (39b), the strategy in both cases is to use the verb tɪɛ'give'.

(41) a. Optative

tɪ̀ɛ̀ give m̩ ̀ 1sg.poss mɪ̀bʊ̀à life bírgì. delay 'Let me live long!'

b. Hortative tɪ̀ɛ̀ give à art gʊ̀à dance píílé. start 'Let the dance begin!'

A prohibitive clause consists of a negated proposition conveying an imperative (or hortative) mood. It is marked by the negative particle tɪ/te 'not' (glossed neg.imp) occurring in clause initial position.

(42) té neg.imp káálíí, go dʊ́ɔ́ŋ rain kàà ipfv wáʊ̀. come.foc 'Don't go, rain is coming.'

<sup>6</sup> It is not known whether these 'dɪ-strategies' give rise to multiple interpretations.

<sup>7</sup> If A asks 'What does he want?', B may reply dɪ́má dɪ́wāā 'That you (pl) should be coming'. In this case the first dɪ heads a clause which introduces indirect speech and the second is an imperfective particle, the latter being covered in Section 4.1.4.4.

#### 2 Clause

The prohibitive also involves a high front vowel suffixed to its verb. The quality of the vowel, i.e. -ɪ/-i, is determined by the quality of the verbal stem.


In addition, a distinction within the prohibitive can be made between a prohibition (or advice) for a future situation (44a), and for an on-going situation (44c).


# **2.4 Exclamative clause**

It is generally known that the difference between a declarative and an exclamative clause is that the former is meant to be informative and the latter expressive. One criterion for determining the class of exclamative clause is the use of exclamatory codas (Allan 2014: 242), i.e. exclamatory words or particles such as woo in (45), which modify the illocution of the clause and are usually found clause-finally.

(45) a. bɛ̀lɛ̀ɛ́ G. tɪŋ́ art mùŋ meaning nè foc kéŋ dxm wòòò. interj 'That is the meaning of Gurumbele!' [BH 016]

b. dʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ python ɲú head kpárá double rá foc wōōō. interj 'Python is double-headed!' [PY 074]

After offering a chronicle of the history of his village and the reason why it has its name, the speaker uttered (45a) to intensify his stance in the presence of other community members. In (45b), the narrator of the folktale wants to mark the surprising fact that the African rock python is equipped with extraordinary visual power.

	- b. dɪ́ comp ʔábbā!, interj dɪ́ comp ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg.poss bàmbíí heart nár person wááwáʊ́. come.pfv.foc (Mother said) 'Indeed, her love has finally come.' [PY 009]

In (46a), the speaker is a mature girl who waited a long time and met many aspirants to finally encounter the right man to marry. In this context, the exclamative word ɛ̃hɛ̃ɛ̃, which generally code a positive reaction (Section 5.6.1), can be translated into 'yes, exactly, finally' and paraphrased as 'this is the person I like'. The speaker confirms that the man is the right one, with a strong emotional reaction, allowing the addressee – in this case her parents – to know about her stance and feeling. The sequence in (46b) is the reaction of her mother who confirms the daughter's reaction. Notice however that the interjections ɛ̃hɛ̃, ʔabba, and woo are not specific to Chakali: they are *Ghanaianism*, i.e. words found in most, if not all, languages of Ghana, and surely beyond (see Section 5.6.1 for interjections).

# **2.5 Clause coordination and subordination**

A relation between two clauses is signaled with or without an overt marker, and various structures and morphemes are used to relate clauses. Two relations are discussed below: coordination and subordination.

## **2.5.1 Coordination**

The distribution of four clausal connectives which are used in coordinating clauses is presented: these are a, ka, aka and dɪ. 8

<sup>8</sup> See McGill, Fembeti & Toupin (1999: 143–149) for an account of similar clausal connectives in Pasaale.

#### 2 Clause

**2.5.1.1 Connective a** The connective a 'and' introduces a clause without an overt subject. When it occurs between two clauses, the subject of the first clause must cross-refer to the covert subject of the second clause (and subsequent clauses). It links a sequence of closely related events carried out by the same agent, and the events are encoded in verb phrases denoting temporally distinct events. The example in (47) is an illustration of four consecutive clauses introduced by the connective a. This phenomenon is often referred to as 'clause chaining'.<sup>9</sup>

(47) dɪ̀àrɛ̀ yesterday tɪ̀ŋ art ǹ̩ 1sg dɪ̀ hest káálɪ́ go bɛ̀lɛ̀ɛ̀ G. rá, foc à conn [jàwà buy nàmɪ̃ɛ̀ ̃]́ , meat à conn [kpá take wàà come dɪ̀á], home à conn [wà come tɪ̀ɛ̀ give ǹ̩ my hã́ã̀ŋ], wife à conn [ŋmá say tɪ̀ɛ̀ give ǹ̩ my hã́ã̀ŋ] wife dɪ́ comp ʊ́ʊ́ 3sg tɔ́ŋà. cook ʊ̀ 3sg tɔ̀ŋà cook jà 1pl dí. eat

'Yesterday I went to Gurumbele, bought some meat, brought it home to my wife, told her to cook it. She cooked and we ate.'

**2.5.1.2 Connectives ka and aka** Generalizing from the examples available, for both the connectives ka and aka 'and', either (i) the subject of the clause preceding the connective is inferred in the second clause, i.e. as for the connective a in Section 2.5.1.1, or (ii) a different subject surfaces in the second clause. Each case is shown in (48) and (49) respectively.


<sup>9</sup> The last sentence of example (47) can be analysed as a coordination by clause apposition.

b. [dɪ́ comp námùŋ anyone tɪ́ neg bɪ́ itr wàà ingr jɪrà́ call kɪ̀ŋkùrùgíé enumeration ŋmɛ́ŋtɛ́l eight sɔ́ŋ] name àká conn [ɪ̀ 2sg jɪ̀rà call kéŋ̀] dxm '(The monkey said: "They said) that anyone should not say the number eight and you have said the number eight".' [LB 017]

Secondly, the connectives ka and aka may encode a 'logical' or 'natural' sequence of events. For instance, in (48), someone traveling (or coming from the road) expects to be offered water to drink after the greetings are exchanged. The connectives ka and aka appear to suggest a causal relation between interdependent clauses. In (50), it is the counting of the mounds which caused Spider to be confused, which can be seen as an unexpected outcome.

(50) ʊ́ʊ́wà 3sg.emph ŋmɛ́ŋtɛ́l spider já do kùrò count àkà conn bùtì confuse '(Because) he himself (Spider) did count and he became confused' [LB 007]

Nevertheless the connectives ka and aka can introduce a clause denoting an event which is not necessarily related to the event of the previous clause. It looks as if the connectives in (51) are used to integrate an unrelated event to the overall situation.


Notice that the 'standing' and 'saying' events in (52) are strictly transitional, but this is not the case in (51). The connective ka in (51) opens a sentence which marks a shift from a scene description (i.e. 'there was meat all over the place') to a character's intervention (i.e. 'Python speaking'). Perceived event integration

#### 2 Clause

seems to be what predicts the choice between ka and aka, but no firm conclusions can be drawn.

	- b. kàlá K. káálɪ́ go jàwá market àká conn pɪ̀ɛ̀sɪ̀ ask bùlèŋà B. tíísà. station 'Kala went to the market and asked for the Bulenga station.'

The cause-consequence relation in (53a) may be seen as 'tighter' than the relation between the clauses in (53b). Buying items is a stronger effect of going to the market than looking for a location; market is where buying items happens. The examples in (53) thus suggest that akaconnects less-integrated clauses.


Commenting on each hypothetical situation in which (54) may be uttered, one consultant agreed that in (54c) the intention of the subject's referent are known and confirmed in the second clause, which is not the case in (54b). The events expressed in the second clause in (54a) and (54c) are perceived as more predictable given the first clause (and world knowledge) than the event expressed in the second clause in (54b).<sup>10</sup>

**2.5.1.3 Connective dɪ** The clausal connective dɪ̀ 'and' or 'while' is homophonous with a complementizer particle (Section 2.5.2.1), a connective used in conditional constructions (Section 2.5.2), and a preverb particle signaling imperfective

<sup>10</sup> The connectives aŋ and ka in Pasaale (McGill, Fembeti & Toupin 1999) offer a good baseline for comparison.

aspect (Section 4.1.4.4). It connects two clauses which encode different events, yet these events must be interpreted as occurring simultaneously. A clause introduced by the connective dɪ̀has no overt subject, instead the subject is inferred, as it has the same referent as the subject of the preceding clause. Two examples are provided in (55).

	- take food dem conn go ' Take this food away! (*lit.* take this food and go)

## **2.5.2 Subordination**

The morpheme tɪ̀ŋ is mainly used as a determiner in noun phrases (see Section 3.1.2). However, there are instances where the discourse following tɪ̀ŋ must be treated as subordinated and related to the noun phrase of which tɪ̀ŋ is part. One may argue that the morpheme tɪ̀ŋcan function as a relativizer.

(56) kúrò count [[píé yam.mound.pl tɪŋ́ ]*NP* art ʊ̀*i* 3sg kà egr tɔ́ cover à art kùò farm nɪ́ postp kéŋ̀]*NP* dxm tɪ̀ɛ̀ʊ́*i* give.3sg '(Spider*<sup>i</sup>* asked Buffalo to) count for him*<sup>i</sup>* the yam mounds which he*<sup>i</sup>* covered at the farm.' [LB 006]

In (56), the phrase ʊ̀ kà tɔ́ à kùò nɪ́kéŋ̀ is (i) in apposition to the noun phrase píé tɪŋ́ , and (ii) in a subordination relation with the noun phrase píé tɪŋ́ . The low tone kà frequently appears in subordinated clauses with tɪ̀ŋ (see example 178b in Section 4.2.1). In a conditional construction like the one in (57a), the subordinate clause is headed by the particle dɪ̀, whereas the main clause follows the subordinate clause.

	- b. dɪ̀ conn ɪ̀ 2sg zíŋ tail wā ingr zɪ̀ŋà, long ɪ̀ 2sg wàá neg.fut kɪ̀ŋ abi gáálɪ́ be.over díŋ fire nɪ.̄ postp 'If you have a long tail, you cannot cross fire.'

#### 2 Clause

Proverbs are typically conditional constructions. An example is given in (57b).

	- b. ǹ̩ 1sg wà neg kpágá have sákɪ̀r, bicycle àɲúúnɪ̀ conn ǹ̩ 1sg dɪ̀ ipfv válà walk nã̀ã̀sá.leg.pl 'I don't have a bicycle, therefore I am walking.'

The subordinate clause of a concessive construction is introduced by the expression anɪ amuŋ [ànáàmùŋ] (*lit.* and-all) 'despite', 'in spite of', 'although' or 'even though'. A subordinate clause which conveys a consequence or a justification of the proposition in the main clause is introduced by the expressions a ɲuu nɪ [àɲúúnɪ̀] or a wɪɛ [àwɪɛ́ ́] (*lit.* the-head-on and the-matter) respectively, 'therefore' or 'because'. Examples are shown in (58).

**2.5.2.1 Complementizer dɪ** Example (59) shows that the complementizer dɪ̀introduces indirect speech.

(59) kùórù chief bìnɪ̀hã́ã̀ŋ young.girl ŋmá say dɪ́ comp "ɛ̃ ̀ɛ̃ɛ́ ̃ɛ́ ̃ ̀". yes 'The chief's daughter answered "yes".' [CB 011]

Direct speech is usually introduced by a speech verb only, e.g. ŋma (tɪɛ) 'say (give)', tʃagalɪ 'teach, show, indicate', hẽsi 'announce', etc. This is shown in (60) with hẽsi'announce'.

(60) tɔ́ʊ́tɪɪ́ná́ landlord ŋmá say dɪ́ comp bá 3pl.gb hẽ́sí announce má 2pl ká egr pàrà farm kùó. farm 'The landowner says that they announced: "You go and work at the farm".'

In (61a), the complementizer dɪ̀introduces a clause which conveys the intention of the event in the main clause. In a literal sense, the husband lala 'open', in the sense of waking up, the wife in order to have her sii'raise up'.

(61) a. tʃʊ̀ɔ̀sá morning pɪsɪ́ ̀, scatter ʊ̀ 3sg.poss báàl husband tɪ̀ŋ art té early lálá wake.up à art hã́ã̀ŋ wife dɪ̀ comp ʊ́ 3sg síí raise.up dùò asleep nɪ̀. postp 'Early in the morning her husband woke up the wife from sleep.' (*lit.*

that she must stand up) [CB 030]

> b. ʊ̀ 3sg káálɪ́ go (dɪ)́ comp ʊ́ʊ́ 3sg ká egr ɲʊ̃ ̀ã̀ drink nɪɪ̄.̄ water 'He went to have a drink of water.'

In (61b) it is shown that purpose (or intention) can be encoded when dɪ̀introduces the goal. In the latter case, however, consultants say that the complementizer dɪ̀is optional.

**2.5.2.2 Clause apposition** Example (62) shows that a desire can be encoded by two clauses in apposition. In this example the pronominal subject of the final clause carries high tone (see Section 2.1.8.2 on desiderative).

(62) jà 1pl búúrè want nɪɪ̄̄ water rā foc já 1pl ɲʊ̃ ́ã̀. drink 'We want some water to drink.'

# **2.6 Adjunct adverbials and postposition**

The notion 'adverbial' is used in the sense of 'modifying a predicate', that is, adding information to a state of affairs. An adverbial is an expression, clause or non-clause, which is not an argument of the main predicate and is positioned at the periphery in an adjunct constituent (ajc). The clause frame in (1) is repeated in (63).

(63) s|a + p *±* o *±* ajc

Adjuncts are usually found following the core constituent(s), but may also be found at the beginning of a clause. As shown in (64), reference to time may be found at the beginning of a clause before the subject.

(64) ajc + s + p + o [tʃʊ̀ɔ̀sá pɪ̀sɪ̀] ajc morning scatter à bìpɔ̀lɪɪ́̀ s art young.man kpá p take ʊ̀ páŕ o 3.sg.poss hoe

'The following day the young man took his hoe along …' [CB 005]

In Section 2.1.7, the dubitative construction was identified with the expression àbɔ́nɪ̃ɛ́ ̃nɪ ́ ́'perhaps' opening the clause. There are other constructions in which temporal, locative, manner, or tense-aspect-mood meaning is signaled by the presence of an adjunct adverbial initially that introduces new information.

2 Clause

(65) a. Temporal [tàmá few fìníì] little ʊ̀ 3sg fɪ̀ mod sʊ́wá. die 'A little longer and she would have died.' b. Evidential

[wɪdɪ ́ ɪ́ŋ́ truth ná] foc dɪ́ comp ʊ̀ 3sg náʊ́ see.3sg rā. foc 'It is certain that he saw him.'

In (65a), the phrase tama finii 'a little' is not inherently temporal, but must be interpreted as such in the given context. In (65b) the verbless clause wɪdɪɪŋ na can be seen as adding an illocutionary force; it additionally signifies that the speaker has evidence and/or wish to convince the addressee about the proposition. In the next sections, temporal and manner adverbials, then the postposition nɪ and the oblique phrase are discussed.

# **2.6.1 Temporal adjunct**

A temporal nominal adjunct is an expression which typically indicates when an event occurs.

	- b. [dénɪ̀], thereupon [sáŋà time dɪgɪ ́ ɪ́]́ one à art hã́ã̀ŋ wife já hab pàà take.pl à art báál husband zōmō insult.pl 'Then, during their life, it happened on one occasion that the woman did insult the man (…)'. [CB 017]
	- c. ǹ̩ 1sg já hab kààlɪ̀ go ʊ̀ 3sg pé end rè foc [tʃɔ̀pɪ̀sɪ̀ day.break bɪɪ́-mùŋ ́ ]. itr-all 'I visit him every day.'
	- d. [làɣálàɣá ideo.fast háǹ dem nɪ]̄ postp ǹ̩ 1.sg kʊ̀tɪ̀ skin à art ʔã́ã́ bushbuck pétí. finish 'I just finished skinning the bushbuck.'

Some expressions tagged as temporal nominal are treated as complex, though opaque, expressions. For instance, awʊzʊʊrɪ is translated into 'that day' in (66a), but the forms wʊsa 'sun' and zʊʊ 'enter' are perceptible. The phrase làɣálàɣá

háǹ nɪ̄in (66d) literally means 'now.now this on' (ideo dem postp), but 'only a moment ago' is a better translation. Similarly, denɪ, analysed as the spatial demonstrative de and the potsposition nɪ and translated into English as 'thereupon', 'after that', 'at that point', or simply 'then', is a temporal nominal, but usually functions as a connective. It is mainly used at the beginning of a sentence to signal a transition between the preceding and the following situations; (67) suggests a transition indicating what happens 'next' or 'afterward'.

(67) dénɪ̄ thereupon rè, foc ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg.poss hã́ã́ŋ wife tɪ̀ŋ art ŋmá say dɪ́ comp "ààí, no (…)". 'Then, the wife said: "No, (I won't say anything to my father)".' [CB 036]

## **2.6.2 Manner adjunct**

A manner expression describes the way the event denoted by the verb(s) is carried out. Manner expressions tend to appear at the right periphery of an utterance. The examples in (68) illustrate the meaning and distribution of manner expressions.

	- comp ŋmà talk ideo.slowly 'Talk slowly.'
	- c. ʊ̀ 3sg tʃɔ́jɛ̄ run.pfv kààlɪ̀ go félfél. ideo.lightly

'She ran away lightly (manner of movement, as a light weight entity).'

d. ǹ̩ 1sg kàà ipfv wáá come dɪ̀ comp à art hã́ã́ŋ woman sáŋà sit tʃérím. ideo.quietly 'When I was coming, the woman sat quietly.'

It is common for an ideophone to function as a manner expression (Section 5.5). One could argue that all the manner expressions in (68) are ideophones, i.e. they display reduplicated forms and tʃerim is one of a few words which ends with a bilabial nasal. The examples in (69) show the repetition of two expressions; one is an ideophone, i.e. kaŋkalaŋ 'crawl of a snake', and the other a reduplicated manner expression, i.e. lagalaga 'quickly' from laga'now'. The formal repetition

2 Clause

depicts the motion occurring with great speed and the inceptive sense of kpà marks the initial stage of the activity.

	- b. kà conn bààŋ just kpá take làɣàlàɣà làɣàlàɣà. ideo.quickly '(She) started to (walk) quickly.'

The manner adverbial kɪŋkaŋ 'abundantly', which is composed of the classifier kɪn and the verb kana 'abundant', typically quantifies or intensifies the event and always comes after the word encoding the event. Notice in (70a) and (70b) that kɪŋkaŋ follows a verb and a nominalized verb respectively. However, in (70c), kɪŋkaŋdoes not function as a manner adverbial but as a quantifier.


'The chief's farm that has many tsetse flies, there we went.'

## **2.6.3 Oblique phrase**

The oblique phrase is an element of a clause realized as a postpositional phrase. It usually follows the verbal predicate. In Section 2.6.4, it is claimed that the postposition nɪ (i) identifies an oblique phrase, (ii) conveys that the oblique phrase contains the ground object (Section 2.1.6), and (iii) follows its complement. While nɪ mainly appears in sentences expressing localization, the postposition can also be found when there is no reference to space.

For instance, in Section 2.6.2, the connective denɪ (i.e. dem+postp) is said to signal a temporal transition and not a spatial one. It is also analysed in adverbials and connectives: a-bɔnɪ̃ɛ̃-nɪ 'maybe, perhaps', a-ɲuu-ni 'therefore', buŋbuŋ-ni 'at first', etc. These expressions do not have a purely locative function, but are rather used as clausal adjuncts or to introduce logical conclusion (see Sections 2.5.2 and 2.6).

	- b. ʊ̀ psg ɲʊ̃ ́ã́ drink [làɣálàɣá ideo.fast nɪ].̄ postp 'He drinks quickly.'
	- c. à art kùórù chief ŋmá say dɪ́ comp ʊ̀ 3sg.poss bááŋ temper káá egr sīī raise [ǹ̩ 1sg ní] postp rē. foc 'The chief told me that he was very angry with me.'

The examples in (71) illustrate some of the non-spatial uses of the oblique phrase headed by nɪ. The postposition's complement is a temporal nominal phrase in (71a), an ideophone in (71b), and a personal pronoun in (71c).

#### **2.6.4 Postposition nɪand (non-)locative adjunct**

The ground object in localization is found in an oblique phrase (see Section 2.6.3 for oblique phrase and 2.1.6 for basic locative construction), therefore the postposition nɪ is present irrespective of the locative verb involved or whether or not a relational noun occurs. Only a few exceptions can be found, and they are systematically accounted for by two factors: (i) non-locative and transitive verbs do not co-occur with nɪ, e.g. tɔ 'cover', kpaga 'have' and su 'fill', and (ii) some situations are described using an intransitive clause, e.g. à bónsó tʃíégìjō 'the cup is broken' [TRPS 26]. In describing the illustrations of the TRPS, Ameka & Essegbey (2006: 370) showed that it is the verb le, glossed 'be at', in Ewe which is used in the majority of the sentences. The translation of Ewe le to Chakali would then be equivalent to dʊa NP nɪ. 11

<sup>11</sup> The Ewe verb le may also function as predicator of qualities (Ameka & Essegbey 2006: 373). In Chakali, it was shown in Sections 2.1.1 and 3.10.2 that jaa predicates over qualities, not dʊa.

3 Nominal

	- b. [[à dɪ̀à]NP nɪ̀]PP 'in/at the house'
	- c. [[báŋ̀]NP nɪ̀]PP 'here'
	- d. [[dé]NP nɪ̀]PP 'there'
	- e. [[ʊ̀]NP nɪ̀]PP 'at/on/in him/her/it'

As shown in (72), the postposition always follows its complement (see Section 3.2.7 for relational nouns). Since there are no prepositions in the language, the abbreviation PP in (72) unambiguously stands for Postpositional Phrase. None of the concepts of proximity, contiguity, or containment is encoded in nɪ. The postposition does not inform the addressee about any of the elementary topological spatial notions. It never selects particular figure-ground configurations, but must be present for all of them.

# **3 Nominal**

The term "nominal" identifies a formal and functional syntactic level and lexemic level. At the syntactic level, a noun phrase is a nominal which can either function as core or peripheral argument. Its composition may vary from a single pronoun to a noun with modifier or series of modifiers. At the lexeme level, two categories of lexemes are assumed: nominal and verbal. These two types correspond roughly to the semantic division *entity* and *event*, but do not correspond to the syntactic categories *noun* and *verb*. That is because lexemes are assumed to not be specified for syntactic categories. The diversity of forms and functions of nominals is presented below.

# **3.1 Noun phrases**

A noun phrase (NP) consists of a nominal head, and optionally, its dependent(s). In this section, the internal components of noun phrases and the roles these components have within the noun phrase are described. First, indefinite and definite noun phrases are considered. Then, the elements which can be found in the noun phrase are introduced.

# **3.1.1 Indefinite noun phrase**

Indefinite noun phrases are used when "the speaker invites the addressee to construe a referent [which conforms with] the properties specified in the term" (Dik

1997: 184). In Chakali, a noun standing alone can constitute a noun phrase (N = NP). Such a noun phrase can be interpreted as indefinite, i.e. the noun phrase is a non-referring expression, or generic, i.e. the noun phrase denotes a kind or class of entity as opposed to an individual. In rare cases, a definite noun phrase can be interpreted from a single noun, i.e. lacking an article. Each interpretation is obviously dependent on the context of the utterance in which the noun occurs.

(73) N = NP


In (73), the noun phrase pɪɛŋ describes any mat and is interpreted as a novelty in the addressee's knowledge of Kala, while dʒɛtɪ describes the entire class of lions.

(74) a. pɪɛ́ ́sɪ̀ ask dɪgɪ ́ ɪ́ ́ one à art búkù book jògùló. price

'Ask someone the price of the book.'

b. nàdɪgɪ ́ ɪ́ ́ person.one búmó precede zʊ̀ʊ̀ enter ɪ̀ɪ̀ 2sg dɪ̀à room háŋ̀ dem ká conn bà 3pl.h+ kpá take tɪɛ̄ɪ̄.̄ give.2sg 'Someone was in your room before they gave it to you.'

The examples in (74) show that noun phrases containing the numeral dɪgɪɪ 'one' may be translated as English 'a certain', 'one of them', or 'someone'.

## **3.1.2 Definite noun phrase**

Definite noun phrases are employed when "the speaker invites the addressee to identify a referent which he (the speaker) presumes is available to the addressee" (Dik 1997: 184). Proper nouns are assumed to be definite on the basis that they are identifiable by both the speaker and the addressee. A definite noun phrase may consist of a single pronoun (pro = NP), as shown in (75).

3 Nominal

(75) pro = NP ʊ̀ 3sg sʊ́wáʊ́.die 'She died.'

A possessive noun phrase is always definite. A possessive pronoun followed by a noun is analysed as a succession of a noun phrase and a noun. Thus, the noun phrase in (76) is analysed as a sequence of the noun phrase ʊ and the noun mãã(pro + N = NP).

(76) pro + N = NP ʊ̀ 3sg.poss mã̀ã̀ mother ŋmá say dɪ́ comp "őı".̋ interj 'Her mother said, "Oi!".'

The treatment of possessive noun phrase is motivated by the possibility of recursion of an attributive possession relation. The complex stem noun pàbīī (< par-bii, hoe-seed) 'hoe blade' is the head in the three possessive noun phrases súgló pàbīī 'Suglo's hoe blade', súgló ɲɪnā pàbīī ̄ 'Suglo's father's hoe blade', and súgló ɲɪnā bɪ ̄ ɛ́ ́rɪ̀pàbīī 'Suglo's father's brother's hoe blade'. Notice that in these examples the nominal head consists of the right-most element in the noun phrase, e.g. [[[[súgló]*NP* [ɲɪnā] ̄ *<sup>N</sup>* ]*NP* [bɪɛ́ ́rɪ̀]*<sup>N</sup>* ]*NP* [pàbīī]*<sup>N</sup>* ]*NP* . Section 3.2.3 discussed complex stem nouns.

**3.1.2.1 Articles** *a* **and** *tɪŋ* There are two articles in Chakali: à (glossed art1) and tɪ̀ŋ (glossed art2). The article à is translated with the English article *the*. It must precede the head noun and cannot co-occur with the possessive pronoun. In the context of (77), the speaker assumes that the addressee is informed about Kala's interest in buying a mat.

(77) a + N = NP kàlá Kala jáwá buy à art1 pɪɛ́ ́ŋ mat ná. foc 'Kala bought the mat.'

The type of mat, its colour or the location where Kala bought the mat and so on are not necessarily shared pieces of information between the speaker and addressee in (77). The only information the speaker believes they have in common is Kala's interest in purchasing a mat. The article àis treated as a functional word

which makes the noun phrase specific but not necessarily definite. When a noun phrase is specific, the speaker should have a particular referent in mind whereas the addressee may or may not share this knowledge.

The article tɪ̀ŋ (glossed art2) can also be seen to correspond to English *the*, but a preferable paraphrase would be 'as referred previously' or 'this (one)'. The article tɪ̀ŋ appears when the speaker knows that the addressee will be able to identify the referent of the noun phrase. In that sense, the referent is familiar.<sup>12</sup> When tɪ̀ŋ follows a noun, the referent must either have been mentioned previously or the speaker and addressee have an identifiable referent in mind. Thus, compared to the examples (73) and (77) above, a proper interpretation of example (78) requires that both the speaker and addressee have a particular mat in mind. In terms of word order, the article à initiates the noun phrase and the article tɪ̀ŋbelongs near the end of the noun phrase. The article àin (78) is optional.

(78) ( a +) N + tɪŋ = NP kàlá Kala jáwá buy [à art1 pɪɛ́ ́ŋ mat tɪŋ]́ *NP* art2 nā. foc 'Kala bought the MAT.'

Consider the slight meaning difference between (79a) and (79b).

	- b. ɲɪ̀nɪ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ́ q.how ɪ̀ 2sg.poss ɲɪná́ father tɪŋ́ art2 kà egr dʊ́.be 'How is your father?'

Both sentences may be translated with 'How is your father?'. However, whereas the sentence (79a) can request a general description of the father (i.e. physical description, general health, etc.), the sentence in (79b) asks for a particular aspect of the father's condition which both the speaker and the addressee are aware of, for instance the father's sickness. As sketched above, the article tɪŋ in (79b) establishes that a particular disposition of the father is known by both the speaker and the addressee, and the speaker asks, with the question word ɲɪnɪ̃ɛ̃'how', for details.

<sup>12</sup> In the givenness hierarchy of Gundel, Hedberg & Zacharski (1993: 278), the status *familiar* is reached when "the addressee is able to uniquely identify the intended referent because he already has a representation of it in memory."

#### 3 Nominal

The two articles a and tɪŋ are not in complementary distribution. The article tɪŋ may occur following the head of a possessive noun phrase, although it is not attested following a weak pronoun. When the articles a and tɪŋ co-occur, language consultants could omit the preposed a without affecting the interpretation of the proposition.

While the two articles in Chakali are presented under the same heading, they are believed to be of different origin. Evidence shows that pre-nominal articles are not found in the SWG group, nor in Kasem (Bonvini 1988: 153). Assuming that specificity and definiteness morphemes always come after the noun in Grusi languages, and that Waali and Dagaare make use of an identical pre-nominal article , the article à in Chakali is believed to be a contact-induced innovation. However, a preposed article in the northwestern languages is alien to the general Oti-Volta pattern as well. The phenomenon needs more study to see if a locus for this areal innovation can be identified. Apparent cognates of tɪŋ are attested in Grusi. For example Bonvini (1988: 180) writes that Kasem tɪm "sert à thematiser ce qui est déjà connu" (i.e. used to bring up what is already known). Chakali tɪŋ is discussed in Section 2.5.2 in relation to its role as a relativizer in subordination.

Now that the indefinite and definite noun phrases have been presented, the subsequent sections introduce the elements which can compose either indefinite or definite noun phrases.

# **3.2 Nouns**

In this section, the elements admitted in the schematic representation (80) are discussed.

(80) [[lexeme]*stem* - [noun class]]*<sup>n</sup>*

A stem may have nominal or verbal lexeme status. The latter has either a state (i.e. stative) or a event (i.e. active) meaning. A stem can be either atomic or complex and a noun class suffix may be overt or covert. In a process which turns a lexeme into a noun-word, the noun class provides the syntactic category *noun*.

## **3.2.1 Noun classes**

The accepted view is that "the Gurunsi languages, and indeed all Gur languages, had historically a system of nominal classification which was reflected in agreement. The third person pronominal forms and other parts of speech were at a certain time a reflection of the nominal classification" (Naden 1989). Similar affirmations are present in Manessy (1969b); Wilson (1971); Naden (1982); Crouch

& Naden (1998); Tchagbalé (2007). In this section and in Section 3.10.1, it is suggested that an eroded form of this "reflection" is still observable in Chakali. Brindle (2009) claims that in Chakali inflectional class (i.e. noun class) and agreement class (i.e. gender) should be distinguished and analysed as separate phenomena at a synchronic level.

The identification of noun classes is based on non-syntagmatic evidence; noun class is a type of inflectional affix, independent of agreement phenomena, where the values of number and class are exposed. In Chakali, as in all other SWG languages,<sup>13</sup> the values are exposed by suffixes: number refers to either singular or plural, and class can be regarded as phonological and/or semantic features encoded in the lexemes for the selection of the proper pair of singular and plural suffixes. This will be considered in Section 3.2.1.8.

Table 1: The five most frequent noun classes


One method used to identify the noun classes of a language appears in Rowland (1966: 23). The author writes that "[t]he nouns in Sissala may be assigned to groups on the basis of the suffixes for singular and plural". According to this definition, there are nine noun classes, of which four are rare. A synopsis is displayed in Table 1, and each of them is discussed below.<sup>14</sup>

<sup>13</sup> Crouch & Naden (1998: 136) state that "[i]n Vagla most traces of this [noun-class system where paired singular/plural noun affixes correlate with concording pronouns and other items] system have been lost. The morphological declensions of nominal pluralization have not yielded to a clear analysis". Even though the authors do not attempt to allot nouns into classes, Marjorie Crouch's field notes (1963, Ghana Institute for Linguistics, Literacy and Bible Translation (GILLBT)) present seven classes. Nominal classifications are proposed for other SWG languages (number of classes for each language in parenthesis): Sisaala of Funsi in Rowland (1966) (2), Sisaala-Pasaale in McGill, Fembeti & Toupin (1999) (5) and Isaalo in Moran (2006) (4). The number of classes is of course determined by the linguist's analysis.

<sup>14</sup> Some scholars treat each singular type as a class, and each plural type as a class. In their terminology a *nominal declension* is a singular/plural marker pairing, which corresponds to a *noun class* in this work.

#### 3 Nominal

**3.2.1.1 Class 1** Class 1 allows a variety of stems: CV, CVC, CVVCV, and CVCV are possible. It gathers the nouns whose singular is formed by a single vowel suffix *-V* and plural by a light syllable -sV.


Table 2: Class 1

The quality of the vowels of the singular and plural is determined by the quality of the stem vowel and the harmony rules in operation. The rules were stated in Section 4.2 and correspond to the noun class realization rules given in (81).

	- b. -(C)V*nc >* +lo / –atr C\* \_ A noun class suffix vowel becomes +lo if the preceding stem vowel iseither ɪ, ɛ, ɔ, ʊ or a.

**3.2.1.2 Class 2** Table 3 displays nouns assigned to class 2. Typically, this class consists of nouns whose stems are CVV or CVCV. While the singular form displays no overt suffix, -sVis suffixed onto the stem to form the plural.

The rules in (81) capture the majority of the singular/plural pairs of class 1 and 2. However, it is insufficient in some cases, that is, there are cases which raise uncertainty in the allotment of the pairs into one class or the other. Consider the examples in Table 4.

Two questions are raised by looking at the data in Table 4: (i) What is the stem of these nouns and how are they analysed? (ii) Is there a good reason to favour final vowel deletion instead of insertion, e.g. /kɪrɪma/ vs. /kɪrɪm/ 'tsetse


Table 3: Class 2

Table 4: Pending class 1 or 2


fly'? Addressing the first question, consider the first pair of words of Table 4, i.e. dʊ̃ʊ̃ and dʊ̃sa. On the one hand, if dʊ̃ is treated as the stem and the word for 'African rock python' is assigned to class 1, the refutation of the rule in (81) must be explained, i.e. vowel suffixes are always -hi. On the other hand, if the stem is dʊ̃ʊ̃, a deletion rule which reduces the length of the vowel, i.e. /dʊ̃ʊ̃-sa/*→*[dʊ̃ ́s*ꜜ*á], must be stated. Such a decision would assign a stem /dʊ̃ʊ̃/ to class 2. The decision taken here is to respect the rule in (81), which is empirically supported, and assume an *ad hoc* deletion rule. This deletion rule, which may be driven by general prosody or phonological structure, will not be considered here. The word pairs in Table 4 are assigned the following classes: 'African rock python' is in class 2 and the last stem vowel is deleted in the plural, 'tsetse fly' is in class 1 and its stem is /kɪrɪm/, and 'cheek' is in class 2 and the last stem vowel is deleted in the plural. Finally, the final vowel of the stem /tii/ is deleted in the plural, and a vowel is added to the stem of /bi/ in the singular.

#### 3 Nominal

**3.2.1.3 Class 3** Table 5 shows that the noun stems allotted to class 3 generally have a sonorant coda consonant in the singular, i.e. l, r, ŋ, etc. Class 3 is analysed as containing nouns whose singular forms have no overt suffix and whose plural forms have a single vowel as suffix. As for class 1 and 2, the plural vowel suffix of class 3 is determined by the harmony rule given in (81).

class Stem sg pl Gloss cl.3 nɔn nɔ́ŋ nɔ́ná fruit cl.3 hããn hã́ã̀ŋ hã́ã́nà woman cl.3 pʊŋ pʊ́ŋ pʊ́ŋá hair cl.3 nar nár nárá person cl.3 ʔol ʔól ʔóló type of mouse cl.3 butet bùtérː bùtété turtle

cl.3 sel sélː sélé animal

Table 5: Class 3

**3.2.1.4 Class 4** As shown in Table 6, the major characteristic of class 4 is that all the stems are analysed as having a final syllable consisting of a [+hi, -ro] vowel. In class 4, a vowel is added to the stem on both the singular and the plural, i.e. V]# *>* V]-V#. The suffix vowel of the singular is always an exact copy of the stem vowel. If the stem vowel is [+atr], the plural suffix vowel is -e, and if the stem vowel is [-atr], the plural suffix vowel -a. This low vowel is then raised due to the height of the stem vowel. In normal speech, one can perceive either -a or -ɛ in that position. A similar noun class is found in other SWG and Western Oti-Volta languages (see Section 3.2.1.10).

Class 4 also includes nominalized verbal lexemes. In Section 3.2.2.2, it is observed that one way to make a noun from a verbal lexeme is to suffix a high-front vowel to the verbal stem. For instance, the verbal lexeme zɪn may be translated as 'drive', 'ride' or 'climb'. The suffix -[+hi, -ro] can be added to the verbal lexeme zɪn making it nominal, i.e. kɪnzɪ ́ ̀nɪɪ́ ́'horse', *lit.* thing-riding. Consequently, the plural of kɪnzɪ ́ ̀nɪɪ́ ́'horse' is kɪnzɪ ́ ̀nɪɛ́ ́. The sequences -ie and -ɪɛ of class 4 often coalesce and may be perceived as -ee and -ɛɛ respectively, e.g. fɛ́rɪɪ́/fɛ́ ́rɛ́ɛ́(sg/pl) 'air potato'.


Table 6: Class 4

**3.2.1.5 Class 5** The monosyllabic stems of class 5 can either be CVV or CVC. Class 5 consists of nouns which form their singular with no overt suffix and their plural with the suffix -nV. The quality of the suffix's consonant is determined by the stem and the place assimilation rules introduced in Section 3.2.2.2, some of which are repeated in (82). The vowel of the plural suffix is determined by the stem vowel and the rules in (81).

(82) Class 5 suffix -/nV/ surfaces -[lV] if the coda consonant of the stem is l -/[nasal]V/*nc >* -/[lateral]V/*nc* / [lateral] \_


Table 7: Class 5

#### 3 Nominal

**3.2.1.6 Nasals in noun classes' morpho-phonology** Apart from the singular of class 4, much of the same vocalic morpho-phonology is found in all classes. This was reduced to the two rules in (81). Furthermore, in all the noun classes, the nasal consonants surface differently depending on the phonological context. The rules in (83) predict the observed outputs and are derived from the nasal assimilation rules in Section 3.2.1.1.

## (83) Possible outputs of nasals


The rule in (83a) says that any nasal consonant occurring word finally becomes [ŋ]. The rule in (83b) changes a bilabial nasal into an alveolar when it precedes a non-labial and non-velar consonantal segment. The rule in (83c) changes a velar nasal into an alveolar in the same environment.

**3.2.1.7 Generalization and summary** While the method proposed suggests that one should look for pairs of forms, the present classification treats phonologically empty suffixes as "exponents". What counts as a noun class is the paradigm determined by the inflectional pattern of the lexeme. The five most frequent pairs were presented in Tables 2 to 7 and the exponents are gathered in Table 8. 15


Table 8: The five most frequent noun classes

<sup>15</sup> The percentage is based on a list of 978 singular/plural pairs (02/10/10). The five classes in Table 8 make up 88% of the nouns which are assigned a class in the lexicon.

In practice the most productive and regular patterns are those recognized as noun classes. However, some words do not fit perfectly into the patterns described above but are not totally alien to genetically related languages and the reconstructions of Proto-Grusi in Manessy (1969a,b) and Proto-Grusi-Kirma-Tyurama in Manessy (1982). In fact, there are more possibilities and surface forms when the classes (sg/pl) Ø/Ø, Ø/ta, Ø/ma and ŋ/sV are included in the classification. Examples are given in Table 9.

Table 9: Noun classes 6, 7, 8, and 9


The nouns in class 6 do not formally differentiate singular and plural. Those in class 7 mark their plural with the suffix -tV and class 8 with the suffix -mV. The singular exponent of class 7 and 8 is covert. Finally, the nouns of class 9 have a suffix -ŋ in the singular and -sV in the plural. In Table 10, the percentage of occurence of the less productive noun classes 6, 7, 8 and 9 is given.

In addition, there are pairs which can only imperfectly be reduced to the nine classes presented until now. However, the problem lies in the stem and not in the inflectional pattern, and thus suggests suppletion rather than phonotactics. For example the colour terms (sg/pl) pʊ̀mmá/pʊ̀lʊ̀nsá 'white' and búmmó/bùlùnsó'black' do not have comparable pairs and do not fit the noun classes described above. One would expect \*pʊmmasa to be the plural form for 'white' (also \*tɪɪnama for tɪ̀ɪ̀ná/tʊ́mà 'owner'). Other examples are the pairs tɪɛ́ ̀/tɛ́sà'foetus' and

#### 3 Nominal


Table 10: Less productive noun classes

túò/tósó 'bow' (see Brindle 2015a for an account of a similar situation in Waali). Also here, one expects the last vowel to delete in each of the plural forms instead of the penultimate one. Moreover, inconsistent class assignment across speakers, across villages, and even different forms (predominantly in the plural) from the same speaker on different elicitation sessions do arise.

**3.2.1.8 Semantic assignment criteria** Several authors have presented different views on the semantic classification of nominals. The general idea is that there must be an underlying system which can explain, first, why some words display identical number morphology, and second, how these words are related in meaning. Tchagbalé (2007: 23) shows that Tem organizes its nominals on the basis of semantic values such as humanness, size, and countability. Awedoba (2007: 41) argues that nominal groupings in Kasem should take into consideration phonological and semantic characteristics, in addition to other more cultural factors. Amidu (2007) argues at length on the shortcoming of traditional semantic rules and argues for abandoning them.

The semantic value of the noun class suffixes has proven difficult to establish. It is possible that there are analogies in class assignment based on semantic criteria, but it is more likely that synchronically (i) the phonological shape of the stem triggers the suffix type, and that (ii) some classes can be identified as residues of former semantic assignment. Let me comment on each of these points.

First, most class 3 nouns have a sonorant consonant in the coda position, the stems of class 4 nouns must have their last vowel specified for [-hi, -ro] and a typical class 2 noun is either CVV or CVCV. These are some of the characteristics described for the noun classes. It seems that the phonological shape of the stem plays a role in class assignment and that there is no productive class where most of its members are assigned to a particular semantic domain. Using four features of the animacy hierarchy of Comrie (1989), i.e. human [hum], animal (exclude human) or other-animate and insects [anim], concrete inanimate

[conc] and abstract (inanimate) [abst], Brindle (2008b) shows that the noun classes do not encode any of these distinctions. Such distinctions may have been expected given the nominal classification of other Gur languages. For instance in Dagaare, a Western Oti-Volta language in contact with Chakali, Bodomo (1994: 124) presents the Class 2 (V/ba) as "unique in that it is the only class that has exclusively [+human] nouns in it". From a diachronic point of view, this could suggest that Chakali has dropped all animacy distinctions in the noun class system while preserving one distinction in agreement (see Section 3.10.1).

Secondly, languages related to Chakali, e.g. geographically and genetically, have or had noun class systems whose classifications were based, at least partially, on semantic criteria (Naden 1982). To my knowledge, the most conservative system today within Grusi is Tem (see "identification sémantique" in Tchagbalé 2007). When and how the speakers of Chakali classified nouns based on semantic criteria is impossible to know, but traces can be detected in the *less productive noun classes*, that is class 6, 7, 8, and 9 (see Table 10). Some members of class 6 consist of nouns with mass or abstract denotations, e.g. rice, louse, struggle, profit, etc. Recall that number has no exponent in class 6. Class 7 also contains mass and abstract nouns, e.g. oil, honey, water, and taboo, but also bush animals such as bushbuck, waterbuck, baboon, roan antelope and hartebeest. Class 7 represents approximately 2% of the noun sample (see Table 10) and mass/abstract nouns and bush animals each represent 30% of class 7 membership. Class 8 is likely to be the class where kinship and human classification terms were assigned, as mother, father, and 'owner of' are among remnant members of that class. Finally, a common trait of class 9 may be 'elongated things', since words referring to rope, arm, tail, and ladder are members. Yet, only eight nouns are assigned to class 9. Despite the arbitrary nature of the semantic assignment of class 9, Manessy (1975: 94) maintains that there are Oti-Volta languages which show relics of the Proto Oti-Volta class \*ŋu- \*u-, which is itself a remnant of Proto-Gur class 3 according to Miehe & Winkelmann (2007: 11), and that this class contains "les noms du bâton, du pilon, du balai, de la corde, de la peau et du chemin". Although these nouns seem to denote 'elongated things', Manessy claims that they cannot contribute to an hypothesis. Generally, however, the fact that members of classes 6, 7, 8, and 9 are similarly clustered in other languages suggests that these classes are remnants of a more productive semantic assignment system. Beside semantic domains, the simple empirical fact that homonyms are allotted different classes excludes a purely phonologically-based assignment. There is no way a speaker can correctly pluralize the stems kuo (cl.5) 'farm' and kuo(cl.9) 'type

#### 3 Nominal

of antelope' based entirely on their (segmental) phonological shape.<sup>16</sup> It seems that apart from phonological and semantic features, combinatorial features on lexical units are necessary to account for noun class assignment.

**3.2.1.9 Tone patterns of noun classes** In spite of variations, nouns have recurrent tonal melodies and representative examples are presented in Table 11. The general tendency for nouns is for the singular and plural forms to display the same tonal melody. For instance, a HL melody may be associated with both the singular and the plural, e.g. zíŋ̀/zísè 'tail' (cl.9) and lʊ́l ̀/lʊ́là 'biological relation' (cl.3). These cases are tonally regular. Another common pattern is when a singular noun displays a H melody, but the plural a LH melody, e.g. dáá/dààsá 'tree' (cl.2). While it seems that the plural suffix sV depresses a preceding H, it does not do so in class 9 nouns. The majority of class 4 nouns in the data available are high tone irrespective of the number of moras and they are all tonally regular. An exception is the LHL melody, of which a dozen or so pairs are attested, e.g. tʃɪ̀ɪ̀rɪɪ́̀/tʃɪ̀ɪ̀rɛ́ɛ̀ 'type of wasp' and lʊ̀gɪɪ́̀/lʊ̀gɛ́ɛ̀ 'iron'. Some cases involving singular CVC words with moraic coda exhibit the deletion of a low tone; zɪ̀ŋ́/zɪnná ́ 'bat' (cl.5), gèŕ/gété 'lizard' (cl.3), and sàĺ/sállá 'flat roof' (cl.5) have a LH tonal melody in the singular but H in the plural. A downstep rule (Section 4.1) predicts that a high tone preceded by a low tone is perceived as lower than a preceding high tone, e.g. váà HL, vá*ꜜ*sáHLH 'dog' (cl.1).

**3.2.1.10 Noun class reconstruction** The numerical labelling of the noun classes in Table 8 and 10 is arbitrary. Nonetheless, some observations on similarities between the noun class system in Chakali and other SWG noun class systems can be put forward. The information sources are my own field notes on neighbouring languages, the reconstruction of the noun class suffixes of Grusi in Manessy (1969a,b), and the reconstruction of noun classes in Gur in Miehe & Winkelmann (2007); the latter being for the most part an update and synthesis of Manessy's work (Manessy 1969a,b; 1975; 1979; 1982; 1999). Needless to say, the following statements are first impressions.

<sup>16</sup> I put segmental in parenthesis since homonyms *with the same tonal melody* belonging to two different classes have not yet been found. The pair pól/pólló (cl.5) 'water source' and pól/póló (cl.3) 'vein' may be treated as one example, but their meanings could be thought of as pointing to a common etymology. Another is the pair tíì/tísè (cl.2) 'type of tree' and tíì/tíísè (cl.2) 'tea', but the latter is a recent loan from English. Nevertheless, Bonvini (1988), Awedoba (2007) and Tchagbalé (2007) provide data to support a similar claim.


Table 11: Tonal melodies in noun classes 1–5

Field notes on neighbouring languages, supported with unpublished material produced by GILLBT's staff,<sup>17</sup> provided relevant information on the (dis-)similarities of Chakali with other SWG languages. As in all SWG languages, a typical Vagla noun class is characterized by suffixation. The most frequent plural

<sup>17</sup> In 2008, Tony Naden gave me a copy of his ongoing Vagla and Dɛg lexicons. I am also indebted to: Kofi Mensa (New Longoro) for Dɛg, Modesta Kanjiti (Bole) for Vagla and Dɛg, Joseph Kipo (Bole) for Vagla and Yusseh Jamani (Bowina) for Tampulma.

#### 3 Nominal

markers in Vagla are -zi, -nɪ and -ri. The pattern found in Chakali class 4 is similar to the one found in Vagla, e.g. (sg/pl) bàmpírí/bàmpíré 'chest', hūbí/hūbé 'bee' and gíngímí/gíngímé 'hill'. In Dɛg, the most frequent plural markers are mid-vowel suffixes, often rounded, and the -rV, -nV and -lV suffixes, with which the vowel harmonizes in roundness and atr with the stem vowel. Both Vagla and Dɛg display miscellaneous classes which are characterized by a simple difference in vowel quality between the last vowel of the singular and the plural, e.g. Dɛg dala/dale 'cooking place'. Attested alternations (sg/pl) in Vagla are -i/- e, -i/-a, -a/-i, -u/-a, -o/-i and -e/-i, and in Dɛg -a/-e, -e/-a, -i/-e, -o/-i and -i/-a. 18 The noun classes of Tampulma and Pasaale correspond more to those of Chakali. Tampulma has at least the following class suffix pairs (sg/pl): Ø/-V, -i/-e, Ø/-nV, Ø/-sV, -V/-sV, -hV/-sV and Ø/-tV. Tampulma displays similar harmony rules to those found in Chakali. Apart from the singular suffix -hV, all the noun class suffixes in Tampulma are manifested in Chakali. Correspondingly, Pasaale reveals pairs and harmony rules similar to those of Chakali and Tampulma.<sup>19</sup>

It is important to keep in mind that the analysis in Manessy (1969a,b) is based on a very limited set of SWG data, most of the data being extracted from Bendor-Samuel (1965). He often stresses the tentative nature of his claims and sets forth more than one hypothesis on several occasions. Based on a comparison of word forms and meanings, Chakali plural suffix of class 8 -mV may be treated as a descendant of the Proto-Grusi Class \*B1A (Manessy 1969b: 32), class 9 -ŋ as a descendant of the Proto-Grusi Class \*NE (Manessy 1969b: 37, 41), class 1 -V as a descendant of the Proto-Grusi Class \*K1A (Manessy 1969b: 39), classes 1, 2, and 9 -sV as descendants of the Proto-Grusi Class \*SE (Manessy 1969b: 39) and class 7 -tV as a descendant of the Proto-Grusi Class \*TE/O (Manessy 1969b: 43). The vowel suffixes of class 1 and 4 may also descend from the Proto-Grusi Class \*YA(Manessy 1969b: 34). In consulting Miehe & Winkelmann (2007: 7–22), Chakali's most frequent plural suffix -sV, found in class 1, 2, and 9, would seem to correspond to Proto-Gur Class 13 \*-sɪ, the plural suffix of class 5 -nVto Proto-Gur Class

<sup>18</sup> These singular/plural pairings are extracted from the Vagla and Dɛg lexicons (fn. 17) and are not exhaustive.

<sup>19</sup> As mentioned in footnote 13, the number of noun classes is determined by the linguist's analysis. McGill, Fembeti & Toupin (1999: 5–12) is a good example of the consequence of analyzing noun classes differently. For instance, McGill, Fembeti & Toupin (1999: 7) postulate a subclass (sg/pl) -l/-lA for word pairs like baal/baala 'man', gul/gulo 'group', miibol/miibolo 'nostril' and mɔl/mɔlɔ 'stalk'. If these words were part of the Chakali data, they would have been allotted to class 2 (-Ø/-V), that is, I would have treated the /l/ as a coda consonant of the stem instead of a noun class suffix consonant. In addition, whereas I derive the quality of the vowel entirely from harmony rules, McGill, Fembeti & Toupin assume archiphonemes (underspecified segments), like A and E, which surface depending on harmony rules.

2a \*-n.ba or Proto-Gur Class 10 \*-ni, class 7 -tV to Proto-Gur Class 21 \*-tʊ and class 8 -mV to Proto-Gur Class 2 \*-ba. The singular suffix -ŋ would correspond to Proto-Gur Class 3 \*-ŋʊ.

Needless to say, these observations deserve further investigation. Even though there is literature to support the reconstruction of the Gur classes, little can be done in the SWG area unless descriptions of nominal classifications in the languages Winyé, Vagla, Tampulma, Phuie, Dɛg, Siti/Kyitu, and the dialects of Sisaala are made available. A synthesis of these descriptions could be compared to "better-documented" nominal classfications of Grusi languages such as Kasem (Northern Grusi, Awedoba 1979; Bonvini 1988; Awedoba 2003), Lyélé (Northern Grusi, Delplanque 1979), Lama (Eastern Grusi, Aritiba 1987; Ourso 1989), Kabiyé (Eastern Grusi, Tchagbalé 2007), Chala (Eastern Grusi, Kleinewillinghöfer 2000) and Tem (Eastern Grusi, Tchagbalé 1972; 2007), to evaluate the Proto-Grusi noun class suffixes of Manessy (1969b) and Proto-Gur of Miehe & Winkelmann (2007), and to reconstruct the nominal classifications of SWG languages.

## **3.2.2 Atomic stem nouns**

The notion of stem in the present context refers to the host of a noun class suffix or the host of a nominaliser, i.e. the element which conveys the lexical meaning and to which affixes attach. A stem can be either irreducible or reducible morphologically: they are referred to as atomic and complex stem respectively. Complex stems are presented in Section 3.2.3. An atomic stem is always a nominal or a verbal lexeme. A verbal lexeme may either be of the type "process" or "state" (Sections 3.2.2.2 and 3.2.2.3). Three types of nominalization formation (i.e. nominalisers) are attested: suffixation, prefixation, and reduplication.

**3.2.2.1 Nominal stem** A nominal stem denotes a class of entities. Nouns composed by the combination of a nominal stem and a noun class affix are the most common. A nominal stem has the potential to be juxtaposed with various noun class affixes, yielding forms with different meanings. For instance, the lexeme baal is associated with the general meaning 'male'. In a context where the lexeme is used in the singular, baal can mean either 'a man' or 'a husband'. Given the same context but used in the plural, the lexeme baal is disambiguated by the plural suffix it takes; báàlá 'men' (cl.3) and bààlsá 'husbands' (cl.2). Evidence from other Grusi languages suggests that the situation where lexemes are found in different noun classes was certainly a more common phenomenon than it is today

#### 3 Nominal

(Bonvini 1988: 126–128). This may coincide with semantically richer noun class suffixes. In addition, for many noun classes the singular forms are not overtly marked and the plural forms are by and large less frequent. This situation makes it difficult to provide the necessary evidence which would demonstrate that nominal stems are attested with different noun classes.

Nominal stems exist in opposition to the verbal ones. To classify a stem in such a dichotomy, the simple test carried out consists of placing the stem in several core predicative positions, i.e. positions where an argument must appear. If the sentence is perceived as grammatical and felicitous by language consultants, it cannot be nominal. The examples in (84) illustrate the procedure. It uses a frame where the predicate is in the perfective aspect and the same predicate, as opposed to the argument, is in focus. The assumption is that this position cannot be satisfied by nominal lexemes.

	- b. /kpeg/ 'hard' *→* ʊ̀ kpégéó|3sg hard.pfv.foc| 'he is strong'
	- c. /sɪama/ 'red' *→* \*ʊ sɪamao, but ʊ̀ sɪárēó ́|3sg red.pfv.foc| 'it is red'
	- d. /bi/ 'child' *→* \*ʊ bio

The grammatical sentences in (84) show that di and kpeg are verbal, whereas sɪama and bi are not. In Section 3.4, it will be shown that some colour properties change forms depending on whether they occur in a nominal or verbal context, so 'red' can be verbal but sɪamais not.

**3.2.2.2 Verbal process stem** Verbal process stems denote non-stative events. Table 12 displays two types of nominalization formation – suffixation and reduplication – involving verbal process stems, 'agent of X' and 'action of X', where X replaces the meaning of the verbal process stem.

In Table 12, the column entitled semantic value (Sem. value) identifies the meaning of the verbal nominalization. In such a context, 'agent of X' refers to the instigator or doer of the state of affairs denoted by the predicate X and the nominalization is generally accomplished by the suffix -r(a). However, there are some expressions with the equivalent agentive denotation which do not suffix -r to the predicate, e.g. ʔɔra 'to sew' vs. ʔɔta 'sewer' and maŋa 'to beat' vs. kɪŋmaŋana 'drummer'. The singular forms are given in the fourth column: the plural of agent nominals of this type, i.e. nominalized by the suffix -r, is made by a sin-


Table 12: Examples of nominalization of verbal process stem

gle vowel suffix (cl.3) whose surface form depends on harmony rules.<sup>20</sup> Another verbal nominalization process conveying 'agent of X' is reduplication. The evidence suggests that only the first syllable is reduplicated.

The second nominalization process is interpreted as 'action of X' or 'process of X' and consists of the suffixation of a high front vowel to the verbal stem.<sup>21</sup> The surface form of the vowel depends on the quality of the stem vowel and atr-harmony (Section 4.2). Consider example (85).

(85) ʊ̀ ʊ 3sg píílè piile start wáɪɪ́ ́ wa-ɪ-ɪ come-nmlz-cl.4 rá. ra foc 'He begins coming.'

The final vowels in the words referring to 'the process of X' are analysed as a sequence of two vowels: first a nominaliser suffix (i.e. nmlz) on the verbal stem, and second, a noun class suffix. Such nominalized verbal stems are allotted to

<sup>20</sup> One language consultant had a problem retrieving the plural of some agent nouns. He often repeated the singular entry for the plural. I interpret this as either a situation where agent nouns do not show differences in the singular and plural (cl. 6), or different sg/pl forms exist but he could not retrieve them. The pair kpʊra/kpʊrəsa 'killer(s)' is unusual. The word sãsaarmeans 'woodcarver' and not 'car driver' even though sãã can mean both 'carve' and 'drive vehicle'. People usually use lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀sã́ã́r, or the English word dərávɛ̀, which is common all over Ghana, to refer to any driver of a vehicule.

<sup>21</sup> The nominalization 'the process X' is often not distinguishable from 'the result of a process X'. Does 'dancing' refer to 'the process of dance', 'the result of the process of dance' or both?

#### 3 Nominal

noun class 4; their singular suffix is a copy of the nmlz vowel, and their plural suffix is the low vowel a, raised to a mid height, e.g. pɛrɪɪ/pɛrɪɛ 'weaving(s)' (*<* pɛra'weave', see class 4 in Section 3.2.1.4).

**3.2.2.3 Verbal state stem** Verbal state stems denote static events. They generally function as verbs, but they can take the role of attributive modifiers in noun phrases, referred to as 'qualifiers' in Section 3.4. In that role, their semantic value is similar to the value of adjectives in English: they denote a property assigned to a referent. To function as a qualifier, some verbal state predicates must be nominalized. As with verbal process stems, verbal state stems are found in nouns which have been nominalized by suffixation of a high front vowel, i.e. 'the state of X'. For instance, the verbal state predicate kpeg has a general meaning which can be translated into English as 'hard' and 'strong'. The expression kpégíí in a teebul kpegii dʊa de 'The hard table is there' functions as qualifier in the noun phrase a teebul kpegii, *lit.* 'the table hard'.

	- a. ɲúú*ꜜ*kpég*<* head-hard 'stubbornness'
	- b. nékpég*<* arm-hard 'stingy'
	- c. dààkpég*<* wood-hard 'strong wood'

Examples are provided in (86) using kpeg again for the sake of illustration. Notice that only (86c) has a transparent and compositional meaning. Verbal state stems are mainly found in complex stem nouns (Section 3.2.3).

## **3.2.3 Complex stem nouns**

A complex stem noun, as opposed to an atomic one, is formed by the combination of at least two stems (XY). Either X or Y in a XY-complex stem noun may be atomic or complex. Nominal stems (ns), verbal state stems (ss) and verbal process stems (ps), together with a single noun class suffix (and/or other types of nominaliser) are the elements which take part in the formation of complex stem nouns.

(87) a. nébíí 'finger' ne-bi-i [arm-seed] ns + ns + cl.3sg


In (87a) and (87b), all stems are nominal. In (87c), the verbal state stem hʊl 'dry' follows a nominal stem, and in (87d) both stems are of the type verbal process. In these stem appositions, it is the noun class suffix of the rightmost stem which appears. Further, stems are lexemes, as opposed to nouns or verbs. This is readily apparent in (87a) and (87b), in which the leftmost stems ne and patʃɪgɪ would appear as neŋ and patʃɪgɪɪ if they were full-fledged nouns. Thus, although complex stem nouns contain more than one stem, there is only one noun class associated with the noun and it is always the noun class associated with the rightmost stem. This was mentioned in Section 3.2.1.8 to support the claim that semantic criteria in noun class assignment may be non-existent.

If stems are treated as lexemes, there is still a problem in accounting for the "reduced" form of some lexemes when they occur in stem appositions. That is, the first stem of a complex stem noun is often reduced to a single syllable in the case of a polysyllabic lexeme, or a monosyllabic lexeme of the type CVV is reduced to CV. For example, lúhò and lúhòsó are respectively the singular and plural forms for 'funeral' (cl.2). The expectation is that when the lexeme takes part in position X of a XY complex stem noun, it should exhibit its lexemic form, i.e. luho. Yet, the word for 'last funeral' is lúsɪnnà ́ , *lit.* funeral-drink, and not \*luhosɪnna. Not all lexemes get reduced in that particular environment; nevertheless, it is more discernible for polysyllabic lexemes or monosyllabic ones built on a heavy syllable. Moreover, some lexemes are more frequent in that environment than others.

The relation between the stems in a complex stem noun is asymmetric. The relation is defined in terms of what the referents of the stems and the complex noun as a whole have to do with each other. As in a syntactic relation between a head and a modifier, one of the stems modifies while the other stem is modified. The semantic relations between the stems are of two types: "completive" modification and "qualitative" modification. These distinctions are discussed in Sections 3.2.3.1 and 3.2.3.2.

#### 3 Nominal

**3.2.3.1 Completive modification** A completive modification in a complex stem noun XY can translate as 'Y of X' of which Y is the head. For instance sììpʊ́ŋ 'eyelash', *lit.* eye-hair, is a kind of hair and not a kind of eye. And ʔɪ̀lnʊ̃ ̀ã̀ 'nipple', *lit.* breast-mouth, is most likely seen as a kind of orifice than as a kind of breast. In both cases, the noun class is suffixed to the rightmost stem, incidentally to the head of the morphological construction, i.e. sììpʊ́ŋ/sììpʊ́ná (cl.3) and ʔɪ̀lnʊ̃ ̀ã̀/ʔɪ̀lnʊ̃ ̀ã̀sá (cl.2). As mentioned earlier, either X or Y in a complex noun XY can be complex. The word népɪɛ́ ́lpàtʃɪgɪ ́ ɪ́ ́'palm of the hand' is an example of two completive modifications. It consists of a complex stem nepɪɛl 'hand', which is composed of ne 'arm' and pɪɛl 'flat', and the atomic stem patʃɪgɪ 'stomach', yielding in turn 'flat of arm' and then 'inside of flat of arm'.

**3.2.3.2 Qualitative modification** A qualitative modification in a complex stem noun is the same as the syntactic modification noun-modifier. The difference lies in the formal status of the elements: when the relation is held at a syntactic level, the elements are words, whereas at the morphological level they are stems. As mentioned earlier, either X or Y in a complex noun XY can be complex. For instance, the word nebiwie consists of the combination of ne 'arm' (cl.9) and bi 'seed' (cl.4), then the combination of nebi 'finger' and wi 'small'. The noun class of wi 'small' is cl.1, so the singular and plural forms for the word 'little finger' are nébíwìé and nébíwìsé respectively. The first relation involved is a completive modification, i.e. 'seed of arm', while the second is a qualitative one, i.e. 'small seed of arm' or 'small finger'. A qualitative modification in a complex noun XY can translate as 'X has the property Y' of which X is the head. Therefore, unlike many languages, it is not necessarily the head of the morphological construction which determines the type of inflection.

The examples in Table 13 illustrate the distinction between the completive and qualitative modification. The form daa conveys either the meaning 'tree' or 'wood'. Both meanings may function as head or as modifier. If the head stem follows its modifier, it is a completive modification, and vice-versa for the qualitative modification. A semantic relation between the stems may be a whole-part relation, a characteristic added to define an entity or a purpose associated with an entity.

So far, XY-complex stem nouns were assumed to be endocentric compounds whose head is X in qualitative modification and the head is Y in completive modification. However, a word such as pàtʃɪ̀gɪ̀búmmò 'liar, secretive', *lit.* stomachblack, suggests that some XY-complex stem nouns may either lack a head or have more than one head. These possibilities are not ignored, but in this particu-

Table 13: Distinction between completive and qualitative modification using /daa/ 'tree' or 'wood'. Abbreviations: h= head, m= modifier, ns= nominal stem, ss= verbal state stems, ps= verbal process stem,


lar case the complex stem noun may be seen as involving the abstract senses of patʃɪgɪɪ and bummo, that is 'essence' and 'subtle, restrained' respectively, making patʃɪgɪbummo a qualitative modification which can be formulated literally as 'subtle/restrained essence', i.e. a property applicable to humans. Thus, the stem patʃɪgɪɪ is treated as the head, and bummo as the stem functioning as the qualitative modifier. Another example is dààdùgó. This word consists of the stems daa 'tree' and dugo 'infest' and refers to a type of insect. Unlike the analysed expressions displayed in Table 13 none of the stems can be treated as the head of the expression and the meaning of the whole noun cannot be transparently predicted from its constituent parts. This leads me to provisionally consider the expression dààdùgóas an exocentric compound, i.e. a complex stem noun without a head.

**3.2.3.3 Compound or circumlocution** For a few expressions, it is hard to tell whether they are compounds, i.e. the results of morphological operations, or circumlocutions, i.e. the results of syntactic operations (Allan 2001: 165). Clear

#### 3 Nominal

cases of circumlocution nevertheless exist. For instance, the word kpatakpalɪ 'type of hyena' is treated by one language consultant as kpa ta kpa lɪɪ, *lit.* 'take let.free take leave'.<sup>22</sup> Another example is sʊ́wàkándíkùró 'parasitic plant'. This expression refers to a type of parasitic plant lacking a root which grows upon and survives from the nutrients provided by its hosts. The word-level expression originates from the sentence sʊ̀wà ká ń̩ dí kùórò, *lit.* die-and-I-eat-chief, 'Die so that I can become the chief'. It is common to find names of individuals being constructed in this way: the oldest woman in Ducie is known as ǹ̩wábɪ̀pɛ,̄ *lit.* n̩ wa bɪ pɛ 'I-not-again-add'. Since two successive husbands died early, she used to say that she will never marry again. For that reason people call her ǹ̩wábɪ̀pɛ.̄

## **3.2.4 Derivational morphology**

A derivational morpheme is an affix which combines with a stem to form a word. The meaning it carries combines with the meaning of the stem. By definition, a derivational morpheme is a bound affix, and thus cannot exist on its own as a word. This property keeps apart complex stem nouns and derived nouns. Yet, the distinction between a bound affix and a lexeme is not obvious, mainly because some bound affixes were probably lexemes at a previous stage, or still are today (see the morpheme bɪin Section 3.6.5).

**3.2.4.1 Maturity and sex of animate entities** The specification of the maturity and sex of an animate entity is accomplished in the following way: male, female, young, and adult are organized in morphemes encoding one or two distinctions. These morphemes are suffixed to the rightmost stem. To distinguish between male and female, the morphemes (sg/pl) wal/wala 'male' and nɪɪ/nɪɪta 'female' are used as (88) illustrates.

	- elephant-female-sg / elephant-female-pl (cl.7)

The language employs two strategies to express the distinction between the adult animal and its young, which is called here 'maturity'. The first is to simply add the morpheme -bi 'child' to the head, e.g. bɔla-bie/bɔla-bise 'young elephant(s)'. In the second strategy both the sex and maturity distinctions are conveyed by the morpheme. This is shown in Table 14.

<sup>22</sup> Yet kpatakpariis the word for 'hunting trap' in Gonja (Rytz n.d.).

Table 14: Morphemes encoding maturity and sex of animate entities


Some examples are more opaque than others. For instance, the onset consonant of the morpheme wal/wala 'male' may surface as a bilabial plosive, e.g. bʊ̃ ̀ʊ̃ ̀mbál 'male goat'. One can also observe a difference in form between the word pìèsíí 'sheep', pèmbál 'male sheep' and pènɪ̀ɪ́'female sheep'. The words displayed in the first three rows of Table 15 show the least transparent derivations. The annotation of tone is a first impression.


Table 15: Maturity and sex/gender of animals

**3.2.4.2 Native or Inhabitant of** To express 'I am from X', where 'be from X' refers to the place where someone was born and/or the place where someone lives, the verb lɪ̀ɪ̀is used, e.g. sɔ̀ɣlá ǹ̩ lɪ̀ɪ̀'I am from Sawla'. Expressions with the meaning 'native of X' or 'inhabitant of X' can be noun words referring to this same idea, that is 'being from X'. Table 16 shows that the suffixes -(l)ɪɪ/(l)ɛɛ/la express the meaning 'native of X' or 'inhabitant of X'. The suffixes display vowel

#### 3 Nominal

qualities in the singular and plural similar to those found in noun class 4 (Section 3.2.1.4).


Table 16: Native or Inhabitant of

**3.2.4.3 Category switch** The phenomenon called 'category switch' refers to a derivational process whereby two words with related meanings and composed of the same segments change category based entirely on their tonal melody. Examples are provided in (89).


**3.2.4.4 Agent- and event-denoting nominalizations** Apart from their roles in complex stem nouns, it was shown in Section 3.2.2.2 that both verbal state and verbal process stems undergo these two nominalizations processes in order to function as atomic nouns. The two processes are summarized in (90) and (91).

	- a. A verb stem takes the suffix -[r] to express agent-denoting nominalization. sʊ̃ ̀ã̀sʊ́ɔ́r / sʊ̃ ̀ã̀sʊ́ɔ́rá (cl.3) 'weaver(s)' *←* sʊ̃ ̀ã̀ (*v*) 'weave' lúlíbùmmùjár / lúlíbùmmùjárá (cl.3) 'healer(s)' *←* lulibummo (*n*) 'medicine' + ja (*v*)'do'


A verb stem takes the suffix -/[+hi, -bk]/ to express event-denoting nominalization. lʊ́lɪɪ́ ́ / lʊ́lɪɛ́ ́(cl.4) 'giving birth' *←* lʊla (*v*) 'give birth' kpégíí / kpégíé (cl.4) 'hard' or 'strong' *←* kpeg (*v*)'hard' or 'strong'

Some consultants prefer agent nouns ending with (sg/pl) -r/-rV (cl.3), others prefer -ra/-rəsV (cl.2). In addition, there is another agent-denoting word formation which simply adds the word kʊɔrɪ 'make' to the noun denoting the product, e.g. nã̀ã̀tɔ̀ʊ̀kʊ́ɔ́rá / nã̀ã̀tɔ̀ʊ̀kʊ́ɔ́rəsá (cl.1) 'shoemaker(s)' *<* nããtɔʊ (*n*) 'shoe' + kʊɔrɪ (*v*) 'make'.

## **3.2.5 Proper nouns**

As a rule, proper nouns have unique referents: they name people, places, spirits, and so on. So in the area where Chakali is spoken, there is only one river named gòlógòló, only one hill named dɔ̀lbɪɪ́, one village named ́ mòtìgú, only one shrine named dàbàŋtʊ́lʊ́gʊ́, etc. Nevertheless more than one person can have the same name, and the same applies to a lesser extent to villages. For instance, sɔ̀ɣlá 'Sawla' (Sogla) may refer to the Chakali village situated between Tuosa and Motigu, or to a Vagla village situated at the junction of the Bole-Wa and Damongo-Wa road. To identify the former, one must say tʃàkàlsɔ̀ɣlá 'Chakali Sawla'.

A Chakali person may bear two or three names: his/her father's name, the name of his/her grandfather or great-grandfather, and his own (common) name. In the case of the (great-)grandfather's name, it is a feature of the newborn or an external sign which suggests the child's name. The common name may be changed in the course of one's life. Today, regardless of whether a person is Muslim or not, common names are mainly of Arabic, Hausa, and Gonja origin, probably due to the Islamization of the Chakali (Brindle 2015b).

#### 3 Nominal

Common names among the elders (approximately above 50 years) consist of the name of a non-Chakali village, together with nàà 'chief'. In Tuosa, Ducie, and Gurumbele, one finds one or more Kpersi Naa, Mangwe Naa, Jayiri Naa, Wa Naa, Sing Naa, Busa Naa, etc. The next generation (approximately below 50 years) tend to have either "Muslim" names or "English-title" names. Common Muslim names are Idrissu, Fuseini, Mohamedu, Ahmed, Mohadini, etc. Typical "Englishtitle" names are Spɛ́ntà 'inspector', Dɔ́ktà 'doctor', Títʃà 'teacher', etc. Apart from 'teacher', which can identify actual teachers in communities in which schools are present, none of the individuals are actual teachers, doctors or inspectors. The same can be said about the older generation, none of them are/were chief of Kpersi, Mangwe, Jayiri, etc.. These villages are not Chakali villages and these individuals have no real connections with the villages used in their names. It seems that these common names were trendy nicknames that peers assign to each other. One consultant claims that the elders can be ranked in terms of power and influence according to their nicknames. In Chakali society, one may have two additional names, a drumming name and a Sigu name (sígù). A drumming name is used in drummed messages sent to other villages about weddings or deaths, while a Sigu name is a name one receives when initiated to the shrine dààbàŋtólúgú.

Because of their pragmatic function, proper nouns are rarely observed in a plural form, but some contexts may allow this. In (92), the proper name Gbolo takes the plural marker -sV. 23

(92) gbòlò-só gbolo.(g.b)-pl bá-ŋmɛ̀nàá g.b-q.many ká egr dʊ̀à exist dùsèè Ducie ní. postp 'How many Gbolos are there in Ducie?'

Finally, circumlocution is a common process found in names of people and dogs (e.g. the example of n̩wabɪpɛ, *lit.* n̩ wa bɪ pɛ 'I-not-again-add', was given in Section 3.2.3.3). A few examples of dog names are given in (93).

(93) Dog names

a. jàsáŋábʊ̃ ̀ɛ̃ ̀ɪ̀'Let's keep peace' ja-saŋa-bʊ̃ɛ̃ɪ[we-sit-slowly]

<sup>23</sup> The context of (92) makes sense when one understands that the name 'Gbolo' has a particular meaning. It is understood that when a couple has a fertility problem, it is common to travel to the community of Mankuma and to consult their shrine. If the woman gets pregnant after the visit, they must return to Mankuma to appease the shrine. Subsequently, the child must be named 'Gbolo' and automatically acquires the Red Patas monkey as totem.


## **3.2.6 Loan nouns**

A loan noun, or more generally a loanword, can be defined as "a word that at some point came into a language by transfer from another language" (Haspelmath 2008: 58). When a word is found in both Chakali and in another language, many loan scenarios are conceivable. However, for some semantic domains such as bicycle or car parts, school material, and so on, the past and present sociolinguistic situations suggest that Chakali is the recipient language and Waali, English, Hausa, and Akan are the donor languages. Loan scenarios differ and are harder to establish when other SWG languages are involved. It is often unfeasible to demonstrate whether the same form/meaning in two languages was inherited from a common ancestor, or borrowed by one and subsequently passed on to other SGW languages. Moreover, it may be unwise to assume that in all cases Chakali is the recipient language, especially for loanwords in domains which were in the past fundamental in Chakali lifestyle, but to a lesser degree for neighbouring ethnic groups. Thus, Chakali as a donor language can be evaluated in a wider Grusi-Oti Volta genesis, or at a micro-level where the influence of Chakali on Bulengi is established. It is unlikely that Chakali borrowed from English through contact. And Ghanaian English, in Wa town and Chakali communities, is not an effective mode of communication, at least in social spheres where the majority of Chakali men and women interact (see discussion in Section 1.3 and in Brindle 2015b). Nonetheless, the situation is different for school children who are exposed to Ghanaian English on a regular basis. I believe that Ghanaian English spoken by native speakers of Waali, Dagaare, or Chakali is the only potential variety of English which can function as a donor language. Examples of words ultimately from English origin are: bə̆ ̀lùù 'blue', ʔásɪ̀bɪtɪ́ ̀'hospital', dɔ́ktà 'doctor', bàlúù 'balloon',bɛ́lɛ́ntɪ̀'belt', tə̆ ́rádʒà 'trouser', détì 'date', mɪntɪ ́ ̀'minute', dʒánsè 'type of dance', kàpɛ́ntà 'carpenter', kɔ́lpɔ̀tɛ̀ 'coal pot', kɔ́tà 'quarter', lɔ́ɔ́lɪ̀'lorry (any four-wheel vehicle)', sákə̀r 'bicycle', pɛ̀n 'pen', sùkúù 'school', tʃítʃà 'teacher' and many more. There is a recurrent falling tonal melody (i.e. HL) among the loan nouns of ultimately English origins. Many of them, if not all, can be found in other languages of the area (GILLBT 1975; Dakubu, Atintono & Nsoh 2007).

#### 3 Nominal

When a word is found both in Waali and Chakali, it is not automatically classified as borrowed from Waali, yet it is only suspected to be non-Chakali. Examples such dʒɪɛ́ ́rá 'sieve', dʒùmbúrò 'type of medicine', gbàgbá 'duck', kókódúró 'ginger', kàpálà 'fufu', kã́ʊ̃ ́ 'mixture of sodium carbonate', nààsáárá (Hausa) 'Caucasian person', and sànsánná 'prostitute' are some of the Waali/Chakali nouns found in transcribed texts, or by chance.

The weekdays are from Arabic (probably via Hausa). Vagla and Tumulung Sisaala, but not Dɛg, use similar expressions (Naden 1996: 60): ʔàtànɪ̃ɛ́ ̃ ̀ 'Monday', ʔàtàláátà 'Tuesday', ʔàlàrbá 'Wednesday', ʔàlàmʊ́sà 'Thursday', ʔàrɪ̀dʒímà 'Friday', ʔàsɪbɪ ́ tɪ́ ̀ 'Saturday', and ʔàlàháádì 'Sunday'. The expressions for the lunar months seem to be borrowed from Waali, but Dagbani and Mamprusi have similar expressions. In these Oti-Volta languages, some of the names correspond to important festivals, i.e. 1, 3, 7, 9, 10, and 12 below. In Chakali, only dʒɪmbɛ ́ ̀ntʊ́ is celebrated and is considered the first month.<sup>24</sup> The lunar months are: dʒɪmbɛ ́ ̀ntʊ́ 'first month (1)', sífə̀rà 'second month (2)', dùmbá 'third month (3)', dùmbáfúlánààn 'fourth month (4)', dùmbákókórìkó 'fifth month (5)', kpínítʃùmààŋkùná 'sixth month (6)', kpínítʃù 'seventh month (7)', ʔàndʒèlìndʒé 'eighth month (8)', sʊ́ŋkàrɛ̀ 'ninth month (9)', tʃíŋsùŋù 'tenth month (10)', dùŋúmààŋkùnà 'eleventh month (11)' and dùŋú 'twelth month (12)'. It was understood that these terms and concepts are not known by the majority, especially the younger generations.

## **3.2.7 Relational nouns**

Many languages present formal identity between body parts terms and expressions used to designate elements of space. The widely accepted view is that diachronically spatial relational nouns – sometimes called spatial nominals (Hellwig 2007: 895), or adpositions (Heine 1997: 137) – are "the result of functional split" and that "they are derived from nouns denoting body parts or locative concepts through syntactic reanalysis" (Heine & Reh 1984: 256).

Chakali relational nouns are formally identical to body part nouns although not all body part nouns have a relational noun counterpart. For instance, whereas ɲuu can have both a spatial meaning, i.e. 'on top of X', and a body part one, i.e. 'head', the body part terms bembii 'heart', hog 'bone' or fʊ̃ʊ̃'lower back', among others, cannot convey spatial meanings. Table 17 displays the body parts found in the data which convey spatial meaning.<sup>25</sup>

<sup>24</sup> Dagbani buɣum and Waali dʒɪmbɛntɪ are both treated as first month by the speakers of these languages.

<sup>25</sup> The body part term gàntàĺ 'back' is from the Ducie lect and corresponds to hàbʊ̀á in the Motigu, Gurumbele, Katua, Tiisa, and Tuosa lects.

Table 17: Spatial nominal relations and body part nouns: similar forms and different, but related, meanings


How can we distinguish a relational noun from a noun? Above all, the differentiation between relational nouns and body part nouns cannot rely solely on surface syntax criteria, precisely because the configuration of a possessive noun phrase and a relational noun phrase are identical. This is shown in (94).

(94) a. Possessive attributive phrase

[n1-n2]*NP* where n<sup>2</sup> = body part, e.g. báál ɲúù'a man's head'

b. Spatial nominal phrase

[n1-n2]*NP* where n<sup>2</sup> = spatial relation, e.g. téébùl ɲúù 'top of the table'

Even though the two corresponding nominal structures may cause ambiguities, the interpretation is generally disclosed by the meaning of the nominal preceding the n<sup>2</sup> in (94). The term ɲuu, for instance, can only mean 'top of' in a phrase in which it follows another nominal and refers to a projected location of n1 's referent. In (94a), even though ɲuu immediately follows a nominal, it would not normally refer to the projected location 'on the top' but only to the man's head. Nevertheless, despite any attempts to identify structural characteristics which may contribute to the disambiguation of a phrase involving a body part term, ambiguities may still arise.

Another aspect of body part terms is their different function in morphological and syntactic structure. While a relational noun is a syntactic word, body part

#### 3 Nominal

terms may also function as morphemes in compound nouns to express a specific part-whole relationship or a conventionalized metaphor (Heine 1997: 141). Whereas the distinction may be formally and semantically hard to distinguish, the number of body part terms which can be the stem in a compound noun is larger than those functioning as relational nouns. Some examples are shown in Table 18.


Table 18: Body part terms in compound nouns

Ignoring for the moment the structure in which they are involved, there seem to be two types of spatial interpretation accessible with body part terms. And there also seems to be a gray zone between the two.<sup>26</sup> The first interpretation

<sup>26</sup> This gray zone may receive a diachronic interpretation. In Ameka (2007: 1072), the postpositions in Sɛkpɛlé are seen as evolving "from body part and environment terms" and have a similar, but not identical, function as those of Chakali relational nouns. For instance, Sɛkpɛlé's postpositions "cannot be modified" nor can they vary "with respect to number marking".

is the literal attribution of human characteristics (i.e. anthropomorphic) in reference to parts of object. In such a case, a body part term refers to a part of an object in analogy to an animate entity. For instance, a trigger of a gun (i.e. the lever that activates the firing mechanism) is called its 'penis', to characterize its physical appearance. The second interpretation does not designate a fixed part of an object but a location projected from a part of an object. It designates a spatial environment in contact with or detached from an object (Heine 1997: 44). To make the distinction clear, in the sentence 'a label is glued on the neck of the bottle' the body part term 'neck' designates a breakable part of the bottle, whereas in the sentence 'John is standing at the back of the car' the body part term 'back' does not designate any part of the car but a relative spatial location, the area behind the car.

Relational nouns are rarely found in the plural. Yet, on grammatical grounds, nothing prevents them from being expressed in the plural. To describe a situation where for every bench there is a calabash sitting on it, the sentence in (95) is appropriate.

(95) à art fàlàsá calabash.pl ságá sit à art kóró bench.pl ɲúúnó reln.pl nɪ.̄ postp 'The calabashes sit on top of the benches.'

One may argue that the 'top of a bench' is a spatial environment in contact with the bench, even a physical part of the bench, so pluralization may simply suggest that the 'top of a bench' is a word referring to an entity, and not a locative phrase. Two pieces of evidence go against this view: first, notice that koro 'bench' in koro ɲuuno is plural. Recall Section 3.2.3, in which a noun class (sg/pl marking) was argued to appear only at the end of a word. If 'top of a bench' was a word and not a phrase, we would expect its plural form to be \*korɲuuno. Secondly, deciding whether or not the 'top of' is indeed in contact with or detached from the bench is not conclusive. To describe a situation where several balls are under several tables, one may use the sentence in (96), in which case it cannot be argued that under of the table is a physical part of the table.<sup>27</sup>

(96) à art bɔ́lsā ball.pl dʊ́á be.at à art téébùlsō table.pl pátʃɪ̀gɪɛ̄̄ reln.pl nɪ.̄ postp 'The balls are under the tables.'

<sup>27</sup> One may argue that it is indeed a part of the table, identical to the interior space of a container.

#### 3 Nominal

Another aspect of relational nouns and oblique phrases in general is that they are structurally very rigid, that is, they are not easily extracted or preposed. The sentences in (97a) and (97b) are nevertheless acceptable.

	- b. téébùl table lō, foc à art fàlá calabash ságá sit ʊ̀ 3.sg.poss ɲúú reln. top nī. postp 'Table, the calabash sits on top of it.' (*lit.* 'sits on its head')
	- c. \* teebul lo, a fala saga ɲuu nɪ.
	- d. \* ʊ ɲuu nɪ, a fala saga teebul.
	- e. \* ɲuu nɪ, a fala saga teebul.

The sentence in (97b) is acceptable but odd. It shows that the nominal complement of the relational noun ɲuu can be uttered at the beginning of the sentence while the possessive pronoun ʊ is located in the complement slot of the relational noun, functioning as anaphora. The sentence is ungrammatical if the pronoun is absent *in situ* (97c), or if the oblique phrase is preposed but the nominal teebul stranded, whether an anaphora referring to teebul is present (97d) or absent (97e).

We now have evidence for treating the relational nouns as members of a closed class of lexical items whose function is to localize the figure to a search domain. It is not only that body part terms acquire spatial meaning following a noun referring to inanimate entities, but that, in diachrony, only a limited set of body part terms has acquired that spatial meaning, and, in synchrony, they form a subtype of nominal identified as relational noun. They are nouns since they can pluralize, but they acquire the status of functional words since they constitute a formal class with limited membership where each of the members expresses spatial meaning and requires a nominal complement.

(98) [[[a dɪa]*NP* ɲuu]*RelP* nɪ]*P P* 'on the roof of the house'

In (98), the relational noun ɲuu is within the complement phrase of the postposition nɪ. A relational noun phrase (RelP) consists of a head and noun phrase complement. We are now in a better position to state that the complement phrase of the postposition is a (nominal) phrase which corresponds to the conceptual ground.

To summarize, on a diachronic basis, it is believed that the function of relational nouns as locative adpositions originates from their purely 'entity' meaning through grammaticalization (Heine & Reh 1984: 44, 83). The form of Chakali body part terms supports the claim. On a synchronic basis, only patʃɪgɪɪ 'stomach', logun 'rib', gantal 'dorso', muŋ 'arse', nʊ̃ã 'mouth', sʊʊ 'front', bambaaŋ 'chest box' and ɲuu 'head' are relational nouns. Relational nouns are nouns which lack the referential power of the default interpretation of body part term (i.e. interpreted in isolation), and which take a complement which must obligatorily be filled by an entity capable of projecting a spatial environment.

# **3.3 Pronouns and pro-forms**

A pronoun is a type of pro-form. The difference between pronouns and proforms depends on whether they can be anaphors of nominal arguments. In this section, the personal, impersonal, demonstrative, and possessive pronouns are introduced, followed by the expressions used to convey reciprocity and reflexivity. In Section 5.1, the adverbial pro-forms are introduced.

## **3.3.1 Personal pronouns**

Table 19 gives an overview of the personal pronoun forms.


Table 19: weak pronounWeak, strong pronounstrong, and emphatic pronounemphatic forms of personal pronouns

The weak form first person singular pronoun is a syllabic nasal which assimilates its place feature to the following phonological material (Section 3.2.2.1). All

#### 3 Nominal

weak forms may be lengthened in the imperfective (Section 4.1.4.3). The personal pronouns do not encode a gender distinction in the singular but an animacy distinction is made between non-human and human in the plural. They are glossed 3pl.ga and 3pl.gb respectively (Section 3.10.1). The weak forms can surface either with a low or high tone; when an action has not yet occurred or a wish is expressed the pronoun is perceived with a high tone (Section 4.1.4.5). Otherwise the weak forms normally have low tones. The strong and emphatic forms are attested with the melodies with which they are associated in Table 19.

	- b. wáá 3sg.st dí eat kʊ̄ʊ̄ t.z. (\*ra). foc 'she ate t.z.'
	- c. ʊ́ʊ́wà 3sg.emph dí eat kʊ̄ʊ̄ t.z. rā. foc 'it is her who ate t.z.'
	- d. wáá 3sg.st m̩ ̀ 1sg màŋà beat (\*ra). foc 'him, I beat.'
	- e. ʊ́ʊ́wà 3sg.emph m̩ ̀ 1sg máŋʊ́ʊ́ beat.3sg rā. foc 'it is him who I beat.'
	- f. \* (ʊ|waa) m̩ maŋʊʊ ra.

The sentences in (99a)-(99c) show that while a weak or an emphatic pronoun can co-occur with a focus particle, a strong pronoun cannot. In addition, (99f)- (99e) confirm that both emphatic and strong pronouns may be fronted, but weak pronouns cannot. Both emphatic and strong pronouns typically appear at the beginning of a sentence. An emphatic pronoun may be coreferential with a weak pronoun in the clause, while weak and strong pronouns may not, as (99d-99f) demonstrate. The distinction between weak and strong is relevant when pronouns function as subject. Their proper use is conditioned by the emphasis placed on the participant(s) of the event or the event itself, and by the polarity

of the clause in which they appear.<sup>28</sup> In this way, strong pronouns cannot cooccur in a sentence in which another constituent is in focus, that is a nominal phrase flanked by the focus marker or a verb ending with the assertive suffix vowel -[+ro, +hi] (compare examples (100b) and (100f) with (100a) and (100e)). In addition, in sentences where a negative operator occurs, strong pronouns are disallowed, as (100d) and (100h) show.

	- b. \*mɪŋ jawa kɪnzɪnɪɪ ra.
	- c. ǹ̩ 1sg.wk wà neg jáwá buy kɪ̀nzɪnɪ ́ ɪ́̀. horse 'I did not buy a horse.'
	- d. \*mɪŋ wa jawa kɪnzɪnɪɪ.
	- e. ǹ̩ 1sg.wk pétījó. terminate.pfv.foc 'I finished.'
	- f. \*mɪŋ petijo.
	- g. mɪŋ́ 1sg.st pétījé. terminate.pfv 'I finished.'
	- h. \*mɪŋ wa petije.

# **3.3.2 Impersonal pronouns**

An impersonal pronoun does not refer to a particular person or thing. The form ais used as an impersonal pronoun in some particular context.

(101) à 3sg.imps mááséjó enough.pfv.foc kéŋ̀. dxm 'That's enough' or 'That's it' or 'Stop'

Example (101) is a type of impersonal construction. It is characterized by its subject position being occupied by the pronoun a, which may be seen as referring

<sup>28</sup> The purpose of such distinctions derives mainly from the articulation of information. Purvis (2007) offers an analysis for Dagbani whereby personal pronoun forms vary depending on their position in relation to their lexical host.

#### 3 Nominal

to the situation, but not to any participant: this particular example is appropriate in contexts involving pouring liquids or giving food on a plate, or when people are quarrelling. In these hypothetical contexts, using the personal pronoun ʊ instead of the impersonal pronoun awould be unacceptable.

The language does not have a passive construction as one finds in English, for example. Nonetheless, an argument can be demoted by placing it in object position, here as o-clitic (see Section 4.3.1). This is shown in (102).

(102) ká q.where à art nàmɪ̃ã̀ ́? meat bà 3pl.gb tíéú eat.pfv.3sg.o rò. foc 'Where is the meat? It has been eaten.'

The type of impersonal construction illustrated in (102) is characterized by the personal pronoun ba (3pl.gb) in subject position. In this context, the subject is not a known agent and the pronoun ba does not refer to anyone/anything in particular. Therefore, the pair a/ba is treated as the singular and plural impersonal pronouns, only when they occur in impersonal constructions, as shown above.

## **3.3.3 Demonstrative pronouns**

In the examples (103) to (104), the demonstrative pronouns function as noun phrases. All the examples below were accompanied with pointing gestures when uttered.

(103) Replies to the question: Which cloth has she chosen?

a. háǹ dem.sg nā. foc 'It is this one' b. hámà dem.pl rā. foc 'It is these ones'

(104) The speaker asks the addressee whether he had moved a certain object. ɪ̀ 2sg jáá do háǹ dem.sg nȁ? foc 'You did THIS?'

(105) How the fingers cooperate when they scoop t.z. from a bowl. hámàā dem.pl ká egr zɪ̀ then pɛ́jɛ̀ɛ̀ add.pfv à conn zɪ́ then já do wà come tììsè support háŋ̀. dem.sg 'These (two fingers) are then added, and then they come to support this one.'

The expressions háŋ̀ (sg) and hámà (pl) are employed for spatial deixis, specifically as proximal demonstratives, corresponding to 'this' and 'these' respectively. The language does not offer another set for distal demonstratives.

# **3.3.4 Interrogative words**

Interrogative constructions are of two types: yes/no interrogatives and pro-form interrogatives (see Section 2.2). The former type, as the dichotomy suggests, requires a 'yes' or a 'no' answer. A pro-form interrogative uses an interrogative word which identifies the sort of information requested. In Chakali, some interrogative words may be treated as pronouns, while others may be treated as the combination of a noun and a pronoun. Table 20 gives a list of interrogative words, together with an approximate English translation, the sort of information requested by each and a link to an illustrative example of pro-form interrogatives. Some examples are listed in (106), where the question words are marked as q together with a compatible gloss.



(106) a. bàáŋ́ q.what ɪ̀ 2sg kàà egr jáà? do 'What are you doing?'

#### 3 Nominal


When the question word lie 'where' is followed by the locative postposition nɪ, a request for a particular location is expressed. This question word can also be followed by the noun pe 'end' in which case it should be interpreted as 'wheretowards' or 'where-by', e.g. líé pé ɪ̀ kà válà? 'Where did you go by?'. Another form used to request information on a location is ká(á). This form is neither specific to Chakali nor to location *per se*: Waali uses it for the same purpose and the form is even used to request other types of information. For instance, káá tʊ́má? means 'how is work?' in the two languages. It might be that Chakali borrowed the form from Waali. It was employed consistently in an experiment which appears in Brindle (2011). Example (102), repeated in (107), illustrates the use of ká(á)as interrogative word.

(107) ká q.where à art nàmɪ̃ã̀ ́? meat bà 3pl.b tíéú chew.pfv.3sg.o rò. foc 'Where is the meat? It has been eaten.'

When they stand alone as interrogative words, the expressions weŋ and ŋmɛna, roughly corresponding to English 'which' and 'how much/many', must be

prefixed by either a or ba reflecting a distinction between non-human and human entities respectively (see Section 3.10.1). The expression saŋa-weŋ in (106g) is literally translated as 'time which'. The question word baaŋ can be used together with wɪɪ to correspond to English 'why', i.e. bááŋ wɪɪ́ ́ká wàà ɪ̀ dɪ̀ wíì? 'Why are you crying?'. The expression baaŋ wɪɪ is equivalent to English 'what matter'.

## **3.3.5 Possessive pronouns**

The possessive pronouns are displayed in Table 21.


Table 21: Possessive pronouns

A possessive pronoun with a form C or V tend to be lengthened, although their length has no meaning. These pro-forms can function as possessor (psor), but never as possessed (psed), in an attributive possessive relation. This is shown in (108).


The weak personal pronouns have the same forms as the possessive pronouns, the differences between the two being their respective syntactic positions and argument structures: the weak pronoun normally precedes a verb while the possessive pronoun normally precedes a noun, and the weak pronoun is an argument of a verbal predicate while the possessive pronoun can only be the possessor in a possessive attributive construction.

3 Nominal

## **3.3.6 Reciprocity and reflexivity**

Reflexive and reciprocal pronouns do not exist in Chakali. Instead, reciprocity and reflexivity are encoded in the nominals dɔŋa and tɪntɪn, which are glossed in the texts as recp and refl respectively. Reciprocity is illustrated in (109) and reflexivity in (110).

	- b. jà 1pl kàá fut kpʊ́ kill dɔ́ŋá recp wá. foc 'We will kill each other.'
	- c. à art hàmṍwísè children káá egr júó fight dɔ́ŋá recp rā. foc 'The children are fighting against one another.'
	- b. jà 1pl kàá fut kpʊ̄ kill jà 1pl.poss tɪ̀ntɪ̀nsá refl.pl wá. foc 'We shall kill ourselves.'
	- c. à art bìé child kpá take kísìé knife dʊ̄ put ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg.poss tɪ̀ntɪ̀ŋ refl.sg dáŋɪɪ́.́ wound 'The child wounded himself with his knife.'

# **3.4 Qualifiers**

Qualifiers are treated as part of the nominal domain. They display singular/plural pairs, as nouns do. Examples are presented in (111).<sup>29</sup>

	- b. bɔ́ŋ̀ / bɔ́má(cl.3) 'bad'
	- c. dɪɪ́ŋ́ / dɪɪ́má ́(cl.3) 'true, real'

<sup>29</sup> Qualifiers are marked as *n.* in the dictionary since they are treated as nominal lexemes.

The examples in (112) are complex stem nouns of which the qualifier 'fat' is a property of the head 'woman' (Section 3.2.3.2).

(112) a. à art hã́-pɔ́lɪɪ̄̀ woman-fat.cl.4.sg 'The fat woman' b. à art hã́-pɔ́lɪɛ̄̀ woman-fat.cl.4.pl 'The fat women'

Many qualifiers are assigned to noun class 4, the reason being that qualifiers are often nominalized verbal stems (Section 3.2.4.4), e.g. pɔ́lɪɪ́/pɔ ́ ́lɪɛ́ ́(*qual*) 'fat' *←* pɔ̀là(*v*) 'fat (be)'. Examples are provided in (113).

	- b. lʊ̀là 'give birth' *>* lʊ́lɪɪ́ ́'giving birth'
	- c. sʊ̀wà 'die' *>* sʊ́wɪɪ́ ́'corpse'

Nonetheless, the two categories, noun and qualifier, are differentiated by the following characteristics: (i) while a qualifier must be semantically verbal (i.e. denoting a state or an event), a noun must not necessarily be, and (ii) while a qualifier modifies a noun, a noun functions as the nominal argument of the qualifier. The asymmetry is reflected in (114).

(114) /nʊm/ 'hot'


#### 3 Nominal

In (114a) the stem nʊm 'hot' is part of the complex stem noun nɪ̀ɪ̀nʊ́ŋ̀ 'waterhot' (see Section 3.2.3). In this morphological configuration, a qualitative modification is established between the stem nʊm and the stem nɪɪ. In (114b), nʊm functions as a verbal predicate in the intransitive clause, and the definite noun phrase a nɪɪ 'the water' occupies the argument position. In (114c) the stem nʊm is nominalized and the singular of noun class 4 is suffixed. The word nʊ́mɪɪ́ ́may be translated as 'the result of heat'. It is treated as a qualifier since nɪɪ 'water' is (the head of) the argument of the predicate, and dʊa is a predicate which needs one core argument. Since nʊm can function neither as main predicate nor as head noun of the argument phrase, and since nʊm is understood to be a property of the entity and not of the event, then nʊmin (114c) is viewed as a qualifier.

Given the arguments put forward, one could analyse the qualifiers as adjectives. Both are seen categorically as nominals and semantically as properties or states. However, there are no lexemes in Chakali which can be assigned the category adjective; that is, no lexeme which, in all linguistic contexts, can be identified as categorically distinct from nouns and verbs. Qualifiers are either derived linguistic entities or idiomatic expressions. More than one procedure is attested to construct qualifiers. In (115), some types of qualifiers are provided.

	- b. àpʊ́lápʊ́lá'pointed, sharp'
	- c. wɪ̀ɛ́zímíí'wise'

The expression bummo 'black, dark' in (115a) is treated as a nominal lexeme. When it functions as a qualifier within a noun phrase, the prefix vowel a is suffixed to the nominal stem (see Section 3.6). The type of qualifier found in (115b) is ideophonic and is used to describe perceived patterns, including colour, texture, sound, manner of motion, e.g. gã́ã́nɪ̀gã́ã́nɪ̀ 'cloud state', adʒìnèdʒìnè 'yellowishbrown', tùfútùfú 'smooth and soft'. Reduplication characterises the form of this type of qualifiers. When a reduplicated qualifier occurs in attributive function, i.e. following the head noun, it takes the prefix a as well.<sup>30</sup> The word in (115c) is segmented as [[[theme-v]-nmlz]-cl.4]. The verbal stem zɪm 'know' sees its theme argument incorporated, i.e. wɪɛ-zɪm 'matters-know', a structure which is in turn nominalized by what is called event-nominalization in Section 3.2.4.4.

There are limitations on the number of qualifiers allowed within a noun phrase. Noun phrases with more than three qualifiers are often rejected by language

<sup>30</sup> Although the prefix a on qualifiers tends to disappear in normal speech. The prefix a is unacceptable in (115c).

consultants in elicitation sessions. The language simply employs other strategies to stack properties. In fact noun phrases with two qualifiers are rarely found in the texts collected. The linear order of qualifiers within the noun phrase are provided in Section 3.11.

Chakali has phrasal expressions which correspond to monomorphemic adjectives in some other languages. These expressions have the characteristic of being metaphorical; their lexemic denotations may be seen as secondary, and phrasal denotations as non-compositional. For instance, a speaker must say ʊ̀ kpáɣá bàmbíí, *lit.*'he has heart', if he/she wishes to express 'he is brave'. The word 'brave' cannot be translated to bambii, since its primary meaning is 'heart', but to kpaɣa bambii 'to be brave'. Another way of expressing 'brave person' is bàmbìì-tɪɪ́ná́ , *lit.* 'owner of heart'. Other examples are síí-nʊ̀mà-tɪɪ́ná́ , *lit.* 'eye-hot-owner', 'wild, violent person' and síí-tɪɪ́ná́ , *lit.* 'eye-owner', 'stingy, greedy person'. These expressions are more frequently used as nouns in the complement position of the identificational construction, such as in ʊ̀ jáá sísɪámātɪ ́ ɪ̄nā̄ , *lit.* she is eye-redowner (si-sɪama-tɪɪna), 'she is serious'. As mentioned in Section 5.6.2, it is often hard to establish whether an expression is idiomatic when only one of its components is used in a non-literal sense.

## **3.4.1 Intensifiers**

An intensifier is a predicate modifier and appears following the word it modifies. It marks a degree and magnifies the meaning of the word it modifies.

	- b. ábúmmò jírítí'very/pure black'
	- c. ápʊ̀mmá píópíó'very/pure white'
	- d. sʊ́ɔ́nɪ̀júlúllú'very cold'
	- e. nʊ̀mà kpáŋkpáŋ'very hot'

The intensifier ideophones tʃʊ̃ ́ɪ̃tʃʊ́ ̃ ́ɪ̃,́ jírítí, píópíó, júlúllú, and kpáŋkpáŋ are translated into English 'very' (or 'pure' in the case of colour, for instance) in (116). They are treated together as one kind of degree predicate modifier. Note that no other properties have been found together with a (unique and) corresponding degree modifier. For instance, if one wishes to express 'very X', where X refers to a colour other than black, white, or red, one has to employ the degree modifier pááá 'very' following the term, which is a common expression in many Ghanaian languages.

#### 3 Nominal

# **3.5 Quantifiers**

Quantifiers are expressions denoting quantities and refer to the size of a referent ensemble. The words mùŋ 'all', bánɪ̃ɛ́ ̃ ́'some' and tàmá 'few, some' constitute the monomorphemic quantifiers. The former can be expanded with a nominal prefix. For instance, in ba-muŋ 'hum-all' and wɪ-muŋ 'abst-all', the prefixes identify the semantic class of the entities which the expressions quantify (see Section 3.10.2). The form of the quantifier bánɪ̃ɛ́ ̃ ́'some' is invariable: \*anɪɛ, \*abanɪɛ and \*babanɪɛ are unacceptable words. The same can be said for the word tàmá 'few', which stays unchanged even when it modifies nouns of different semantic classes.

The expression kɪ̀ŋkáŋ̀ 'a lot, many' is made out of the classifier kɪŋ plus the quantitative verbal state lexeme kan 'abundant' (Sections 3.10.2 and 4.1.2, respectively). The lexeme kan 'abundant' is semantically verbal but turns into a quantifier when kɪŋ is prefixed to it. Other evidence for its verbal status is the utterance à kánã́ʊ̃ ́ 'they are many' compared to à jáá tàmá 'they are few'. In the former, kana is the main verb of an intransitive perfective clause, while in the latter, tama is the complement of the verb jaa in an identificational construction (Section 2.1.1). Other plurimorphemic (or complex) quantifiers are based on the suffixation the morpheme -lɛɪ 'not'. The expression wɪ-muŋ-lɛɪ (*lit.* abst-all-not) and kɪŋ-muŋ-lɛɪ (*lit.* conc-all-not) both correspond to the English word 'nothing' (Section 3.10.2 on negation).

(117) àŋmɛ̀nà amount máŋá only tʃájɛɛ̄́. remain.pfv 'Only a few are left.'

The meaning 'a few' can be conveyed by the word aŋmɛna 'how much/many', which was introduced in Section 3.3.4 as an interrogative word. Example (117) suggest that the word aŋmɛna can also be used in a non-interrogative way, cooccurring here with maŋa 'only', in which case it is interpreted as 'amount' or 'a certain number'. Another way to express '(a) few' is to duplicate the numeral dɪgɪɪ 'one', e.g. dɪgɪɪ-dɪgɪɪ ra 'there are just a few of them'. The examples in (118) show that the numeral dɪgɪɪ 'one' can participate in the denotations of both total and partial quantities.

	- b. dɪgɪ ́ ɪ́ ́mùŋ'each' (total distributive)
	- c. dɪgɪ ̄ ɪ̄̄dɪgɪ ́ ɪ́ ́'some, few' (partial distributive)

The word gàlɪ̀ŋgà 'waist' or 'middle' can also carry quantification. In (119), the word is equivalent to bàkánà (< bar-kaŋ, *lit.* part-abound), and means 'most'.

(119) à art kpã́ã́má yam.pl gàlɪ̀ŋgà/bàkánà most tʃájɛɛ̄́ remain.pfv à art láʊ́ farm.hut nɪ.́ postp 'Most of the yams remain/are left in the farm hut.'

The word gba 'too' is treated as a quantifier and restricted to appear after the subject, e.g. (120c)-(120f). In (120a), the speaker considers himself/herself as part of a previously established set of individuals who beat their respective child. The quantifier is additive such that the denotation of the subject constituent is added to this previously established set. In (120b), it is shown that negating the quantified expression results in an interpretation where the speaker asserts that he/she is not a member of the set of individuals who beat their child. Since generally there is only one 'in focus' constituent in a clause and that negation and focus cannot co-occur (see Sections 3.8 and 5.3), example (120) suggests that gba is not a focus particle.

	- b. ŋ̩ ̀ 1sg gbà qant.too lɛ̀ɪ́ neg máŋá beat m̩ ̀ 1sg.poss bìé. child

'I do not beat my child.' (*lit.* I am numbered with those known who refrain from beating their child)


# **3.6 Numerals**

## **3.6.1 Atomic and complex numerals**

Following Greenberg (1978: 263), I assume that the simplest lexicalisation of a number is called a numeral atom, whereas a complex numeral is an expression in which one can infer at least one arithmetical function. A numeral atom can stand alone or can be combined with another numeral, either atomic or complex,

#### 3 Nominal

to form a complex numeral. Atoms are treated as those forms which are not decomposable morpho-syntactically at a synchronic level. Table 22 displays the twelve atoms of the numeral system.


Table 22: Atomic numerals from 1 to 8, 10, 20, 100, and 1000

The term for 'one' is expressed as dɪgɪ ́ máŋá ́ , but dɪgɪ ́ ɪ́ ́alone can also be used. In general, the meaning associated with the morpheme máŋá is 'only', e.g. bahɪɛ̃maŋa n̩ na *old.man-only-I-saw* 'I saw only an old man'. The number 8 is designated with ŋmɛ́ŋtɛ́l, an expression which is also used to refer to the generic term for 'spider'. Whether they are homonyms, or whether their meanings enter into a polysemous/heterosemous relationship is unclear. Another characteristic is that the higher numerals 100 and 1000 have their own plural form. To say a few words about some of the possible origins of higher numerals, the genesis of most of SWG higher numerals involves diffusion from non-Grusi sources, rather than from common SWG descents. I believe that higher numerals in the linguistic area where Chakali is spoken have two origins: one is Oti-Volta and the other is Gonja. The forms for 100 and 1000 in Vagla and Dɛg are similar to Gonja's forms with the same denotation, i.e. Gonja kɪ̀làfá '100' and kíg͡bɪŋ́ '1000'. Similar form-denotation can be found in other North Guang languages (e.g. Krache, Kplang, Nawuri, Dwang, and Chumburung) and lafa is found in many other Kwa languages, as well as non-Kwa languages, e.g. Kabiye (Eastern Grusi) (Chan 2009). Borrowing is supported by the claim that the Vaglas and Dɛgas were where they are today before the arrival of the Gonjas (Goody 1954: 12-13; Rattray 1932a: 516), and the fact that they, but mostly the Vaglas, are still in contact with the former conquerer, the Gonjas. Another Grusi language, Tampulma, has had more contact with Mampruli than with any other Western Oti-Volta languages, whereas the Chakali and the Pasaale have contact with Waali, a language close to Dagbani and Dagaare, all of them classified as Western Oti-Volta

languages. Variations of Manessy's *oti-volta commun* reconstructed forms \*KO/ \*KOB 'hundred' and \*TUS 'thousand' are found distributed all over Northern Ghana, cutting across genetic relationship. It seems that the two high numerals are areal features spread by Western Oti-Volta languages, and that Chakali, Pasaale, and Tampulma speakers may have borrowed them from languages with which they had the most contact, i.e. Waali, Dagbani, Dagaare, and Mampruli.

From the atoms, the complex numerals are now examined. The arithmetical functions inferred are called operations. In Chakali three types of operation are found: addition, multiplication, and subtraction. An operation always has two arguments which are identified in Greenberg (1978) as:


The numeral dɪgɪ ́ tūō ́ expresses the number 9. It is the only expression associated with subtraction. The subtrahend is the expression dɪgɪɪ 'one'. In dɪgɪ ́ tūō ́ , the last syllable is analysed as the operation. It may originate from the state predicate tùó which is translated 'not exist' or 'absent from' (Section 2.1.2). Thus, assuming the covert minuend 10, the numeral expression receives the functional notation [1 absent from 10], or 10 minus 1. The number 9 may also be expressed as sàndòsó (or sandʊsə in Tuosa and Katua). This expression is used by some individuals in Ducie, Tuosa, and Katua, all of them from the most senior generation. One language consultant associates sàndòsó with the language of women, but his claim is not sustained by other language consultants. For the number 9, Goody (1954: 33) reports saanese from the village Katua and Rattray (1932b: 117) puts sandosoas the form for 9 in Tampulma.

A proper treatment of atomic versus complex numerals relies on evidence as to whether a numeral is synchronically decomposable. In that spirit, numbers from 11 to 19 are expressed with complex numerals: one piece of evidence, which is presented in Section 3.10.1 and repeated in section 3.6.2, comes from the gender agreement between the head of a noun phrase and the cardinal numeral functioning as modifier. Table 23 provides the numerals from 11 to 19 with a common structure [fi10-d(ɪ)-X1*−*9].

The criterion employed for the distinction between augend and addend is that an augend is serialized, that is, it is the expression which is constant in a sub-

#### 3 Nominal

Chakali English fídɪdɪ ̄ gɪ ́ ɪ́ ́ eleven fídáālìɛ̀ twelve fídáātòrò thirteen fídànáásɛ̀ fourteen fídàɲɔ̃ ́ fifteen fídáālòrò sixteen fídālʊ̄pɛ̀ seventeen fídɪ̀ŋmɛ́ŋtɛ́l eighteen fídɪ̀dɪgɪ ́ túò ́nineteen

Table 23: Complex numerals from 11 to 19

progression. This expression is called the base. In the progression from eleven to nineteen shown in Table 23, the augend is fi and the addends are the expressions for one to nine. Given the above definition of a base, the expression fi is the base in complex numerals from 11 to 19. The operator for addition is dɪ and its vowel surfaces only when the following word starts with a consonant (i.e. fídɪ̀ŋmɛ́ŋtɛ́l'18', but fídànáásɛ̀ '14'). Table 24 provides the sequences of numeral atoms forming the complex numerals referring to numbers from 21 to 99. Some numeral forms will come after an explanation of the table.

Table 24 shows us that either (i) an atom can follow another atom without any intervening particle or (ii) the particle anɪ can step in between two atoms, or between one atom and one complex numeral. Case (i) is understood as a phrase which multiplies the numerical values of two atoms. For instance, màtʃéó ànáásɛ̀[20 *times* 4] results in the product 'eighty'. All numeral phrases from 20 to 99 use matʃeo '20' in their formation. In case (ii), the particle anɪ is treated as an operator similar to the semantics of 'and' in English numerals since it adds the value of each argument, either atom or complex màtʃéó ànáásɛ̀ànɪ́àlɪ̀ɛ̀[20 *times* 4 + 2] . The same form is also found in noun phrases expressing the union of two or more entities (see Section 3.9.1). The vowels of anɪ are reduced when preceded and followed by vowels. The same criterion applies for the distinction between multiplier and multiplicand: the latter is identified on the basis of what Greenberg calls 'serialization'. A base may be a serialized multiplicand as well since it is the constant term in the complex expressions involved in a sub-progression. The expression matʃeo '20' is therefore the base in complex numerals from 21 to 99. The composition of complex numerals is summarized in Table 25.


Table 24: Complex numerals from 21 to 99

Table 25: General structure of complex numerals


#### 3 Nominal

As mentioned earlier, in subtraction the minuend *y* is covert. The only case of subtraction is the numeral dɪgɪ ́ tūō ́ 'nine'. Both addition and multiplication take two overt arguments *x* and *y*. They are presented in the first column of Table 25 with their surface linear order. The operator for addition dɪ is used only for the sum of 10 and numbers between 1 and 9. The form anɪ is found in a variety of structures, but it restricts the right sister *y* to be lower than the left sister *x*. In multiplication the value of the argument *y* depends on the value of *x*. For the numerals designating 2000 and above, the argument *x* must be the atom tʊsʊ 'thousand' and *y* any atom or complex numeral between 2 and 999. There are no terms to express 'million' in Chakali. One can hear individuals at the market using the English word 'million' when referring to currency. According to my consultants, the expression tʊsʊ tʊsʊ [1000 *·* 1000] 'million' was common, but became archaic even before the change of currency in July 2007. Examples of numerals are presented in (121).

	- b. kɔ̀wá hundred ànɪ́ and màtʃéó twenty ànɪ́ and dɪgɪ ́ máŋá. ́ one '121'
	- c. kɔ̀sá hundreds átòrò three ànɪ́ and màtʃéó twenty ànáásɛ̀ four ànɪ́ and fídāāɲɔ̃.̄ fifteen '395'


In summary, the numeral system of Chakali is decimal (base-10) and vigesimal (base-20) and the base-20 operates throughout the formation of 20 to 99. In Comrie (2008), numeral systems similar to the one described here are called *hybrid vigesimal-decimal*.

## **3.6.2 Numerals as modifiers**

To a certain extent, Chakali offers a rigid word order within the noun phrase (Section 3.8). The heading of (122) offers an overview of the linear order of elements in a noun phrase containing a numeral. Tha data shows that the numeral occurs following the head and the qualifier(s) and precedes the demonstrative and the quantifier.<sup>31</sup>

# (122) art/poss head qal<sup>1</sup> qal<sup>2</sup> num qant dem foc/neg


<sup>31</sup> Note that the noun phrases in (122) and (161) were collected in an elicitation session. They were elicited in subject position of the sentence frame X wááwáʊ́/wááwá'X has come'.

#### 3 Nominal

When they appear as noun modifiers, a limited number of numerals act as targets in gender agreement, i.e. only the forms 2-7. This grammatical phenomenon provides us with a motivation to treat the expressions for numbers 11-19 as complex numerals. In Section 3.10.1, Chakali is analysed as having two values for the feature gender (i.e. ga or gb, see also the personal pronouns in Section 3.3.1). The assignment is based on the humanness property and plurality of a referent. Table 28(c) is repeated as Table 26 for convenience.

Table 26: Prefix forms on the numeral modifiers from 2 to 7


The following examples display gender agreement between the numeral anaasɛ 'four' and the nouns bʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ̀nà 'goats' in (123a), vííné 'cooking pots' in (123b), tàátá 'languages' in (123c) and bìsé 'children' in (123d). Again, the only numerals that agree in gender with the noun they modify are álìɛ̀'two', átòrò 'three', ànáásɛ̀ 'four', àɲɔ̃ ́ 'five', álòrò 'six', and àlʊ̀pɛ̀ 'seven' (see examples 123e and 123f). The data in (123a)-(123d) tells us that, when they function as controllers of agreement, nouns denoting non-human animate, concrete inanimate and abstract entities trigger the prefix form [a-] on the modifying numeral, whereas nouns denoting human entities trigger the form [ba-].

(123) Agreement Domain: Numeral + Noun



'I have fourteen cooking pots.'

h. ŋ̩ ̀ 1sg kpágá have bì-sé child(g*b*)-pl fídɪ**bà**́ náásɛ̀ fourteen rā foc (\*fidanaasɛ ra). 'I have fourteen children.'

Recall that in Table 23 the numbers from 11 to 19 were all presented with the form fid(ɪ)X 'Xteen'. Their treatment as complex numerals makes one crucial prediction: since they have a common structure [fi10-d(ɪ)-[X1*−*9]*atom*]*complex* and not [fid(ɪ)X]*atom*, agreement has access to the atoms X2*−*<sup>7</sup> within fid(ɪ)X. This is illustrated with the examples (123g) and (123h) using the word fidanaasɛ 'fourteen'. These two examples show that in cases where a controller is specified for both gb and pl, it must trigger the form [ba-] on X2*−*<sup>7</sup> within the expressions referring to the numbers 12-17.

## **3.6.3 Enumeration**

Chakali has enumerative forms. These are numerals with a purely sequential order characteristic and are used when one wishes to count without any referential source or to count off items one by one.

(124) dìèkèè, one ɲɛ́wã́ã́, two tòròò, three náásɛ̀, four ɲɔ̃ ́, five lòrò, six lʊ̀pɛ̀, seven ŋmɛ́ŋtɛ́l, eight dɪgɪ ́ tūo ́ nine (…) 'One, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, (…)'

#### 3 Nominal

Basically, the diffrence between the forms in (124) and the forms in Table 22 are: (i) a specific enumerative use, (ii) the tendency to lengthen the last vowel,<sup>32</sup> (iii) the numerals expressing two, three, four, five, six, and seven do not usually display the agreement prefix, and (iv) the forms for 'one' and 'two' differ to a greater extent. The rest of the enumerative numerals, i.e. eight, nine, ten, etc., correspond entirely to those shown in Table 22. In (125), an excerpt of a folk tale displays the enumerative use of numerals.

(125) gbɪ̃ã̀ ́ Monkey píílí starts dìèkèè, one ɲɛ́wã́ã́, two tòròò, three náásɛ̀, four ɲɔ̃ ́,five lòrò, six lʊ̀pɛ̀, seven ànɪ́ conn háŋ̀ dem ŋ̩ ̀ 1sg kà egr sáŋɛɛ̄ ̄ sit nɪŋ́ ̀, dxm dɪgɪ ́ tūo, ́ nine fí. ten 'The monkey started to count: one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, the one I'm sitting on, nine, ten.' [CB 013]

## **3.6.4 Distribution**

Reduplication has several functions in Chakali and example (126) shows that the meaning of distribution is expressed by the reduplication of a numeral.

(126) nɪ̀ɪ̀-tá water-pl álɪ̀ɛ-lɪ ̄ ̀ɛ̄ two-two ǹ̩ 1sg dɪ́ hest tɪɛ́ ́bá give.3pl.g*b* dɪ̀gɪ̀-dɪgɪ ̄ ɪ̄.̄ one-one 'Yesterday I gave two water bags to each individual.'

In (126) the phrase containing the thing distributed and its quantity opens the utterance. The recipient of the giving event is suffixed to the verb and is understood as being more than one individual. From left to right, the reduplicated forms express the quantity of things distributed and the number of recipients per things distributed, respectively. This is how the distributive reading is encoded in the utterance. Compare (127a) and (127b) with (127c).

	- b. à art zágá compound múŋ̀ all tɪɛ́ ́ give à art kùórù chief rō foc kpã́ã́má yam.pl fí-fí. ten-ten 'Each house gives 10 yams to the chief.'

<sup>32</sup> I also perceived lengthening in Waali, Dɛg and Vagla for the corresponding enumerative sequence.

c. à art zágá compound múŋ̀ all tɪɛ́ ́ give à art kùórù chief rō foc kpã́ã́má yam.pl fí. ten 'All the houses (the village) give 10 yams to the chief.'

In (127b) and (127c), the sources of the giving event are kept constant. The reading in which ten yams per house are being collected by the chief is accessible only if the numeral fi 'ten' is reduplicated (i.e. fifi).


The reduplication of the numeral álɪ̀ɛ̀ 'two' in (128a) makes the addressee understand that not only two cows might enter the cattle fence but a possible sequence of pairs. Similarly, example (128b) conveys a proposition which tells us that the fruit tíì 'Akee apple' (*Blighia sapida*) can reveal sometimes three and sometimes four seeds.

## **3.6.5 Frequency**

When the morpheme bɪ (Section 4.2.3.6) is prefixed to a cardinal numeral stem, it specifies the number of times an event happens.

(129) jà 1pl wíré undress jà 1pl.poss kɪná́ thing rá foc àkà conn vàlà walk gó cross dùsèè Ducie múŋ qant.all nàvàl circuit bɪ-tòrò. ́ itr-num 'We undress then walk around Ducie three times.'

The meaning of bɪ-num corresponds to English 'times'. Example (129) illustrates a case where the morpheme bɪ is prefixed to the numeral stem toro 'three' and translates into 'three times'.

#### 3 Nominal

## **3.6.6 Ordinals**

Ordinal numerals are seen as those expressions conveying ranks or orders. The investigation carried out showed that the language does not have a morphological marker or unique forms responsible for such a phenomenon. Chakali expresses ranking and order by other means.

	- b. B: ǹ̩ 1sg gɪlá́ leave à art pár hoe rá foc píé yam.mound.pl ātòrò three tɪ̀n art gàntàl reln nɪ.̄ postp 'I left the hoe behind the third yam mound.'

In example (130b), the expression píé ātòrò tɪ̀n gàntàl nɪ̄is best translated as 'behind the third yam-mound' and not as 'behind the three yam-mounds'. In the context of B's utterance, there is no salient set of three mounds.

The word sɪnsagal is frequently used in combination with a numeral to express a non-specific amount. For example tʊ́sʊ̀ nɪ̄sɪnsáɣál ́ can be translated into English as 'thousand and something'. In addition, the word sɪnsagal can be combined with a numeral to identify sibling ranks. In (131) sɪnsagal is understood as 'follower(s)'.

(131) Sibling relationship


Further, in a situation where a speaker wishes to express the fact that he/she won a race by getting to an a priori agreed goal, a natural way of expressing this would be n̩ jaa dɪgɪmaŋa tɪɪna, *lit.* I-is-1-owner, 'I am first'. The second and third (and so on) positions can also be expressed using the same construction, e.g. *lit.*

I-is-N-owner, 'I am Nth'). However, there are other ways to express the same proposition: any of the expressions given in (132) is appropriate in this context.

## (132) Position in a race


Finally, the word búmbúŋ is translated into the non-numeric English idiom 'at first' and refers to a past state, its beginning or origin.

(133) búmbúŋ first ní postp ǹ̩ 1sg fɪ́ pst wàà neg nʊ̃ ̄ã̄ drink sɪŋ̄̀. alcoholic.drink 'At first, I was not drinking alcoholic beverage.'

## **3.6.7 Miscellaneous usage of number concept**

In the performance of some rituals or customs, the number concepts 3 and 4 are associated with male and female respectively. Let us illustrate this phenomenon with some examples. The lóbānɪɪ̄̄section of Ducie has a funeral song which is performed at the death of a co-inhabitant. The song is repeated three times if the deceased is a man and four in the case of a woman. When a person is initiated to sɪgmàá ́ , a male must drink the black medicine in three successive occurrences and a female in four. On the fifth day of the last funeral (lúsɪnnà ́ ), the children of the deceased are given food in a particular way which involves offering the food and pulling it back repeatedly: three times for a male and four for a female. The same associations number-sex (i.e. *three-male* and *four-female*) are found in Cardinall (1920: 68-70) where it is reported that, among the Kasena, a woman must stay in her room three days after delivering a boy but four after delivering a girl. Also, the umbilical cord of a boy is twisted three times around her finger after being removed, but four times in the case of a girl.

Two unusual phenomena involving numbers must be included. The first is also found in neighboring languages (Dagaare, Waali, Buli, and probably others).

#### 3 Nominal

The phrase tʃɔ̀pɪ̀sɪ́ālɪ̀ɛ̀ is used in greetings (Section 5.6.1). It literally means 'two days', yet it implies that the speaker has not met the addressee for a long period (i.e. days, weeks or years), or an interval longer than usual interactions between co-inhabitants. In other languages, I have been informed that one can say 'two months' or 'two years', but in Chakali, even if someone has not seen another person for years it is appropriate to say tʃɔ̀pɪ̀sɪ́ālɪ̀ɛ̀ 'two days'. The second concerns the reference to the number of puppies in a litter. When a speaker wishes to express the number of puppies a bitch has delivered, then she/he must add ten to the actual number. For example, to express that a dog has given birth to two puppies, one must say ʊ̀ lʊ́lá fídālɪ̀ɛ̀, *lit.* 'She give.birth twelve'.

## **3.6.8 Currency**

One peculiarity of Chakali appears when numerals are used in the domain of currency. For example, in (134) the speaker needs to sell a grasscutter (cane-rat) for the price of seven Ghana cedis.

(134) kɔ̀sá hundred.pl átòrò three ànɪ̀ and mátʃéó twenty àlɪ̀ɛ̀ two ànɪ́ and fī. ten 'Seven new Ghana Cedis, or seventy thousand old Ghana Cedis' (*lit.* three hundred and fifty)

Accounting for the reference to seven Ghana cedis with an expression literally meaning three hundred and fifty (as was demonstrated in the previous sections) is done in two steps. First, Chakali speakers (still) refer to the old Ghanaian currency (1967-2007), which after years of depreciation was redenominated (July 2007). Today, one new Ghana cedi (₵) is worth 10,000 old Ghana cedis.<sup>33</sup> Secondly, the Chakali word denoting 'bag' is bʊ̀ɔ̀tɪà́ (pl bʊ̀ɔ̀tɪ̀sá, *etym.* bʊɔ-tɪa 'holegive'). There is evidence that the word has at least one additional sense in the language. In (135) the prices of some items are presented.<sup>34</sup>

(135) a. bʊ̀ɔ̀tɪ̀à bag màtʃéó twenty átòrò three ànɪ́ and fí ten dɪ̀ and àɲɔ̃ ́.five '15,000' (for three yam tubers)

<sup>33</sup> The term *old* and *new* were especially used in the period of transition. The redenomination of July 2007 is the second in the cedis history. The cedi was introduced by Kwame N'krumah in 1965, replacing the British West African pound (2.4 cedis = 1 pound), but lasted only two years. Thus, the first redenomination actually occured in 1967.

<sup>34</sup> The prices are those recorded at the market in Ducie in February 2008.

b. bʊ̀ɔ̀tɪ̀à bag tʊ́sʊ̀. thousand '200,000' (for a bag of groundnuts) c. bʊ̀ɔ̀tɪ̀à bag kɔ̀sá hundred ālɪ̀ɛ̀. two '40,000' (for a basin of dried cassava)


In (135) the word bʊɔtɪa initiates each expression. Since the expressions refer solely to the amount of money, it is clear that the word *bʊɔtɪa* does not have the meaning 'bag' but that the meaning of a numeral, i.e. 200 can be inferred. The distinction between *bʊɔtɪa*<sup>1</sup> (=bag) and bʊɔtɪa<sup>2</sup> (=200) is supported by the following observations: On some occasions where bʊɔtɪa is used, the word cannot refer to 'bag' since there are no potential referents available. In the position it occupies in (135) bʊɔtɪa is usually not pluralized, which is obligatory for a modified noun. Further, the word kómbòrò 'half' can modify bʊɔtɪa<sup>1</sup> to mean 'half a bag' (i.e. maize, groundnuts, etc), but the expression bʊ̀ɔ̀tɪ̀à kómbòrò cannot mean '100 cedis' in the language.<sup>35</sup> Going back to the form of the expression given in (134), it was also observed that in a conversation in which the reference to money is understood, bʊɔtɪa<sup>2</sup> is often not pronounced. One can use the utterance tʊ́sʊ̀ 'thousand' to refer to the price of a bag of groundnuts, that is an amount of two

<sup>35</sup> This claim was recently challenged by one of my consultants who recalls his mother using bʊɔtɪa komboro to mean '100 cedis'. Compare this with English where one can say *half a grand* to mean 500 dollars. The reason why bʊɔtɪa komboro was originally rejected was perhaps that 100 old cedis was a very small sum in 2008 and it was almost impossible to hear the expression. In 2009, another informant claimed never to have heard such an expression to mean 100 old cedis.

#### 3 Nominal

hundred thousand old cedis.<sup>36</sup> The distinguishing characteristic of *bʊɔtɪa*<sup>1</sup> is that it is a common noun and refers to 'bag' and that *bʊɔtɪa*<sup>2</sup> is an atomic (and a base) numeral. The latter is a kind of hybrid numeral, a blend of a measure term and a numeral term, which is only used in the domain of currency.

# **3.7 Demonstratives**

Unlike the pronominal demonstrative which acts as a noun phrase, a demonstrative within the noun phrase modifies the head noun. The demonstratives in the noun phrase are identical to the demonstrative pronouns introduced in Section 3.3.3, i.e. haŋ/hama(sg/pl).

(136) Priest talking to the shrine, holding a kola nut above it má 2pl láá take [kàpʊ́sɪ̀ɛ̀ kola.nut háŋ̀]*NP* dem ká conn já 1pl mɔ̄sɛ̄ plead tɪ̀ɛ̀ give wɪɪ́ ́ matter tɪ̀ŋ art bà 3pl.b tàà egr búúrè. want

'Take this kola nut, we implore you to give them what they desire.'

Demonstrative modifiers are mostly used in spatial deixis, but they do not encode a proximal/distal distinction. Further, when a speaker uses haŋ in a nonspatial context, he/she tends to ignore the plural form (see example (138b) below). In example (137), the demonstrative is placed before the quantifier, which is not its canonical position, as will be shown in the summary examples in Section 3.11. 37

(137) dɪ́ comp ʊ̀ 3sg nʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ hear dɪ́ comp [tʃàkàlɪ̀ Chakali tɔ́sá villages háŋ̀ dem mùŋ]*NP* , qant.all dɪ́ comp bììsáà Biisa jáá ident nɪhɪ ́ ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ̂, old bánɪ̃ɛ́ ̃ ́ some ká egr bɪ̀ itr ŋmá say dɪ́ comp sɔ̀ɣlá Sawla jáá ident nɪhɪ ́ ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ̂. old

'He hears that of all Chakali settlements, some say that Biisa (Bisikan) is the oldest, some also say Sawla is the oldest.' (*Katua, 28/03/08, Jeo Jebuni*)

<sup>36</sup> While a synchronic account of a sense distinction for the form bʊɔtɪa in Chakali is introduced, a diachronic one is complicated by the reliability of oral sources and a lack of written records. The origin of a sense distinction of the form bʊɔtɪa, and its equivalent, is found to be widespread in West Africa. The lexical item being discussed here is in Yoruba ʔàkpó, Baatonum bʊɔrʊ, Hausa kàtàkù, Dagbani kpaliŋa, Dagaare bʊɔra, Dagaare (Nandom dialect) vʊɔra, Sisaala bɔ̀tɔ́ and Waali bʊɔra. Whether the word is polysemous in all these languages as it is in Chakali, I do not know. Akan and Gã had something similar but seem to have lost the reference to currency: a study of the words bɔ̀tɔ́ and kotoko/kɔtɔkɔis needed.

<sup>37</sup> The plural form of tɔʊ 'village' in Katua is tɔsɪ. In the lect of Katua, the noun classes resemble the noun classes of the Pasaale dialect, especially the lect of the villages Kuluŋ and Yaala.

The examples in (138) show that the typical position of the demonstrative is after the head noun and before the postposition, after the numeral, but before the article tɪŋ.

	- b. [nárá person bálɪ̀ɛ̀ two háŋ̀]*NP* dem nā foc sɛ́wɪjɛ́ ́ write à art mʊ́r. story 'these two men wrote the story.'
	- c. làà collect [mʊ́sá Musa záál fowl háŋ̀ dem tɪ̀ŋ]*NP* . art 'Collect Musah's fowl'

# **3.8 Focus and negation**

When the focus is on a noun phrase, the free-standing particle ra appears to the right of the noun phrase (see Section 3.2.2.2 for the various forms the focus particle can take). The particle lɛɪ 'not' also appears free-standing to the right of the noun phrase, but it is part of the word in the case of a complex quantifier (see Sections 3.5 and 3.10.2). Focus and negation particles cannot co-occur together in a single noun phrase.

(139) Identification repair for sets of cats shown on an illustration [à art dìèbísè cats hámà]*NP* dem.pl lɛ̀ɪ,́ neg [hámà]*NP* dem.pl rā. foc 'Not these cats, these cats.'

In (139), lɛɪ 'not' negates the noun phrase a diebise hama and ra puts the focus on the demonstrative pronoun hama, referring to a different set of cats. Both focus and negation particles can be thought as having scope over the noun phrases, functioning as discourse particles.

	- b. mòlìbíí money wàà neg.ipfv tɪɛ́ ̀ give nárá people tʊ̀ɔ̀rà. problem 'Money does not give people problems.'

#### 3 Nominal

Example (140) compares similar propositions involving negation. While (140a) presupposes it is something else than money that gives problems to people, (140b) says that money does not give people problems.

	- b. ʊ̀/kàlá 3sg/K. kpágá has bʊ̀ɲɛ̃ ́ respect rá. foc 'He/Kala has respect for others.'
	- c. wáá/bèléé 3sg.st/bush.dog.foc kpágá catch záàl. fowl 'It/bush dog catches fowls.'
	- d. ʊ̀/bèlè 3sg/bush.dog kpágá catch záál fowl là. foc 'It/bush dog catches fowls.'

The focus contrast offered in (141) is still in need of validation: one consultant insisted that if the focus particle does not appear after the object of kpaga, the subject – in this case a pronoun or a proper noun – needs to be lengthened and display high tone. This appears to co-relate to the distinction offered for personal pronoun in Section 3.3.1.

# **3.9 Coordination of nominals**

## **3.9.1 Conjunction of nominals**

The coordination of nominals is accomplished by means of the conjunction particle anɪ (glossed conn). The vowels of the connective are heavily centralized and the initial vowel is often dropped in fast speech. The particle can be weakened to [nə], or simply [n̩], when the preceding and following phonological material is vocalic. A coordination of two indefinite noun phrases is displayed in (142).

(142) váá dog ànɪ́ conn dìèbíè cat káá egr válà. walk 'A dog and a cat are walking.'

The coordination of a sequence of more than two nouns is given in (143). It is possible to repeat the connective anɪ, but a pause between the items in a sequence is more frequently found.

(143) bʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ŋ, goat, váà dog ànɪ́ conn dìèbíè cat káá egr válà. walk 'A goat, a dog, and a cat are walking.'

When a sequence of two modified nouns are conjoined, the head of the second noun phrase may be omitted if it refers to the same kind of entity as the first head noun. This is shown in (144).

(144) ǹ̩ 1sg kpáɣá have tàɣtà shirt zén large nē foc ànɪ́ conn (tàɣtà) (shirt) ábūmmò.black 'I got a large shirt and a black shirt.'

If the conjoined noun phrase is definite, the article tɪŋ follows both conjuncts. This is shown in (145) where the connective appears between two qualifiers.

(145) à art kór bench ábúmmò black ànɪ́ conn ápʊ̀mmá white tɪ̀ŋ. art 'the black and white chair (one particoloured chair)'

When the weak personal pronouns (Section 3.3.1) are conjoined there are limitations on the order in which they can appear. The disallowed sequences seem to be caused by two constraints. First, consultants usually disapproved of the sequences where a singular pronoun is placed after a plural one. Examples are provided in (146).

(146) a. Acceptable 1sg conn 2pl *>* /n̩ anɪ ma/ [ǹnɪmā] ́ 'I and you (pl)' 1sg conn 3pl.ga *>* /n̩ anɪ a/ [ǹnánāā] 'I and they (–hum)' 3sg conn 2pl *>* /ʊ anɪ ma/ [ʊ̀nɪmā] ́ 'she and you (pl)' 3sg conn 3pl.gb *>* /ʊ anɪ ba/ [ʊ̀nɪbā] ́ 'she and they (+hum)' b. Unacceptable

2pl conn 1sg *>* \*/ma anɪ n̩/ 3pl.g.a conn 1sg *>* \*/a anɪ n̩/ 2pl conn 3sg *>* \*/ma anɪ ʊ/ 3pl.g.b conn 3sg *>* \*/ba anɪ ʊ/

#### 3 Nominal

Secondly, the first person pronoun n̩ cannot be found after the conjunction, irrespective of the pronoun preceding it. The reason may be a constraint on the syllabification of two successive nasals. In (147), it is shown that the vowels of the conjunction anɪ either drop or assimilate the quality of the following vowel. In addition, a segment n is inserted between the conjunction and the following pronoun.

(147) /ʊ anɪ ʊ/ 3sg conn 3sg *>* [ʊ̀nʊ́nʊ̀] 'she and she' /ʊ anɪ ɪ/ 3sg conn 2sg *>* [ʊ̀nɪnɪ ́ ̀] 'she and you' /n̩ anɪ ʊ/ 1sg conn 3sg *>* [ǹ̩nʊ́nʊ̀] 'I and she' /n̩ anɪ ɪ/ 1sg conn 2sg *>* [ǹ̩nɪnɪ ́ ̀] 'I and you' /ɪ anɪ n̩/ 2sg conn 1sg *>* \*[ɪn(V)nn̩]

If the first person pronoun n̩ were to follow the conjunction, there would be (i) no vowel quality to assimilate, and (ii) three successive homorganic nasals, i.e. one from the conjunction, one inserted and one from the first person pronoun, which would give rise to a sequence n(V)nn̩. As shown in Table 27, these problems do not arise when the strong pronouns (st) are used.


Table 27: Conjunction of pronouns; weak pronoun (wk) and strong pronoun (st)

In Section 4.2.3.2, the temporal nominal dɪarɛ 'yesterday' and tʃɪa 'tomorrow' are said to have preverbs counterpart in a three-interval tense subsystem. The temporal nominal zaaŋ (or zɪlaŋ) expresses 'today', and tɔmʊsʊ can express either 'the day before yesterday' or 'the day after tomorrow', yet neither have a corresponding preverb. Thus dɪare 'yesterday', tʃɪa 'tomorrow', and zaaŋ 'today', which typically function as adjunct and can be disjunctively connected by the nominal connective anɪ, as in (148), are treated as nominals.

(148) dɪ̀àrɛ̀, yesterday zɪ̀láŋ today ànɪ́ conn tʃɪá́ tomorrow mūŋ qant.all jáá ident dɪgɪ ́ máŋá ́ one rá. foc 'Yesterday, today, and tomorrow are all the same.'

## **3.9.1.1 Apposition**

(149) kùórù chief bìnɪ̀hã́ã̀ŋ young.girl ŋmá say tɪ̀ɛ̀ give [ʊ̀ 3sg.poss ɲɪná́ father kùórù]*NP* chief dɪ́ that à art báàl man párá farm à art kùó farm pétùù finish.foc (…)

'The daughter told her father the chief that the young man had finished weeding the farm (…)' [CB 014]

There is another conjunction-type of nominal coordination. The noun phrase ʊ ɲɪna kuoru 'her father chief' in (149) is treated as two noun phrases in apposition. In this case, apposition is represented as [[ʊ ɲɪna]*NP* [kuoru]*NP* ]]*NP* .

## **3.9.2 Disjunction of nominals**

In a disjunctive coordination, the language indicates a contrast or a choice by means of a high tone and long káá, equivalent to English 'or'. The connective káá is placed between two disjuncts. The alternative questions in (150) are given as examples.

	- b. ɪ̀ 2sg búúrè want tí tea rē foc káá conn kɔ́fɪ̀ coffee rā foc ɪ̀ 2sg dɪ̀ ipfv búúrè? want 'Do you want tea or do you want coffee?'

This connective should not be confused with the three conjunctions used to connect verb phrases and clauses, i.e. aka, ka and a(see Section 2.5.1).

(151) ɪ̀ 2sg kàá fut tʊ̀mà work tɪ̀ɛ̀ give à art kùórù chief ró foc zàáŋ today káá or tʃɪá?́ tomorrow 'Will you work for the chief today or tomorrow?'

Example (151) shows that the same particle may also occur between temporal nominals.

#### 3 Nominal

# **3.10 Two types of agreement**

Agreement is a phenomenon which operates across word boundaries: it is a relation between a controller and a target in a given syntactic domain. In Corbett (2006) agreement is defined as follow: (i) the element which determines the agreement is the controller, (ii) the element whose form is determined by agreement is the target and (iii) the syntactic environment in which agreement occurs is the domain. Agreement features refer to the information which is shared in an agreement domain. Finally there may be conditions on agreement, that is, there is a particular type of agreement provided certain other conditions apply. Chakali has two types of agreement based on animacy. They are presented in the two subsequent sections.

## **3.10.1 The gender system**

Gender is identified as the grammatical encoding of an agreement class. Chakali has four domains in which agreement in gender can be observed; antecedent-anaphor, possessive-noun, numeral-noun and quantifier-noun. The values shared reflect the humanness property of the referent, dichotomizing the lexicon of nominals into a set of lexemes *a* (i.e. human–) and a set *b* (i.e. human+), thus gender *a* or *b* (Brindle 2008b; 2009). The values for the feature gender are presented in Table 28.

In addition to the gender values proposed in Table 28(a), a condition constrains the controller to be plural to observe the humanness distinction in agreement. As Tables 28(b) and 28(c) show, the personal pronouns in the language do not distinguish humanness in the singular but only in the plural.

The boundary separating human from non-human is subject to conceptual flexibility. In storytelling non-human characters are "humanized", sometimes called personification, as (152) exemplifies: animals talk, are capable of thoughts and feelings, and can plan to go to funerals. If one compares the non-human referents in example (152) and (153b), the former reflects personification, while the latter does not.

(152) Domain: antecedent-anaphor

váá dog.sg mã̀ã̀ mother.sg sʊ́wá. die ʊ̀ he ŋmá said dɪ́ comp ʊ̀ his tʃɛ̀ná friend ŋmálɪŋŋmɪ ́ ̃ɔ̀ ̃ ́ʊ̃ ̀ bird's name dɪ́ comp bá 3pl.g*b* káálɪ̀ go ʊ̀ his mã̀ã́ mother lúhò. funeral

'The Dog's mother died. Dog asks his friend Bird (*Ardea purpurea*) to

## Table 28: Gender in Chakali


accompany him to his mother's funeral.' (*lit*. that they should go to his mother's funeral.)

In (153) the quantifier mùŋ 'all' agrees in gender with the nouns nɪ̀báálá 'men' and bɔ̀làsá 'elephants'. The form àmùŋ is used with non-human, irrespective of the number value, and for human if the referent is unique. The form bàmùŋ can only appear in such a phrase if the referent is human and the number of the referent is greater than one. In this example a contrast is being made between human-reference and animal-reference to show that it is not animacy in general but humanness which presents an opposition in the language.

3 Nominal

(153) Domain: Quantifier + Noun


In Section 3.3.5, it was shown that the possessive pronouns have the same forms as the corresponding weak pronouns. In (154), the target pronouns agree with the covert controller, which is the possessor of the possessive kinship relation. The nouns referring to goat and human mothers, trigger g(ender)*a* and g(ender)*b* respectively. In cases where the possessor is covert the proper assignment of humanness is dependent on the humanness of the possessed argument (i.e. 'their child' is ambiguous in Chakali unless one can retrieve the relevant semantic information of the possessed entity).

## (154) Domain: Possessive (possessor) + Noun

a. **à** poss.3pl.g*a* bʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́n-á. goat.(g*a*)-pl 'their goats' (possessor = goat mothers) b. **bà** poss.3pl.g*b* bì-sé. child.(g*b*)-pl 'their children' (possessor = human mothers)

Example (155) displays agreement between the numeral à-náásɛ̀'four' and the nouns bʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ̀nà (cl.3) 'goats', tàátá (cl.7) 'languages', vííné (cl.5) 'cooking pots' and bìsé (cl.1) 'children'. The numerals that agree in gender with the noun they modify are á-lɪ̀ɛ̀ 'two', á-tòrò 'three', à-náásɛ̀ 'four', à-ɲɔ̃ ́'five', à-lòrò 'six' and álʊ̀pɛ̀ 'seven'. Here again, animate (other than human), concrete (inanimate) and abstract entities on the one hand, and human on the other hand do not trigger the same agreement pattern (anim in (155a), abst in (155b), conc in (155c) vs. hum in (155d)). Clearly, as shown below, noun class membership is not reflected in agreement (tàátá (cl.7) 'languages' triggers ga in (155b) and bìsé (cl.1) 'children' triggers gb in (155d)).

(155) Domain: Numeral + Noun


Example (156) shows that in a coordination construction involving the conjunction form (a)nɪ, the targets display consistently g*b* when one of the conjuncts is human-denoting. In (156a) the noun phrase a baal 'the man' and the noun phrase ʊ kakumuso 'his donkeys' unite to form the noun phrase acting as controller. The noun phrase a baal nɪ ʊ kakumuso 'the man and his donkeys' triggers g*b* on targets. Consequently, the form of the subject pronoun, the quantifier, the possessive pronoun and the numeral must expose ba (3pl.*b*). The rule in (156f) constrains coordinate noun phrases to trigger g*b* if any of the conjuncts is specified as g*b*. No test has been applied to verify whether the alignment of the conjunct noun phrases affects gender resolution.

	- a. [à art báál man nɪ̀ conn ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg.poss kààkúmò-sō]*NP* donkey-pl váláà walk káálɪ̀ go tàmàlè Tamale rā. foc 'The man and his donkeys walked to tamale.'
	- b. **bà** 3pl.g*b* kʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́wã́ʊ̃ ́. tire.pfv.foc 'They are tired.'
	- c. **bà**-mùŋ 3.pl.g*b*-all nã̀ã̀sá feet.pl tʃɔ́gáʊ́. spoil.pfv.foc 'They all had painful feet.' (*lit.* the feet of all.of.them)

3 Nominal

d. **bà** 3pl.poss.g*b* nã̀ã̀sá feet.pl tʃɔ́gáʊ́. spoil.pfv.foc 'Their feet were hurting them.'


Examples (152) to (156) demonstrate how one can analyse the humaness distinction as gender. The comparison between humans, animals, concrete inanimate entities and abstract entities uncovers the sort of animacy encoded in the language. Section 3.10.2 presents a phenomenon which shows some similarity to gender agreement.

# **3.10.2 The classifier system**

While there is abundant literature describing Niger-Congo nominal classifications and agreement systems, the grammatical phenomenon described in this section has not received much attention. Consider the examples in (157):

(157) a. dʒɛ̀tɪ̀ lion.sg kɪ̀m-bɔ́n anim-dangerous.sg ná. foc 'A lion is dangerous.' (generic reading) b. dʒɛ̀tɪ̀sá lion.pl kɪ̀m-bɔ́má conc;anim-dangerous.pl rá. foc 'The lions are dangerous.' (individual reading) c. m̩ ̀ poss.1sg bɪ̀ɛ̀rəsá brother.pl nɪ̀-bɔ́má hum-dangerous.pl rá. foc 'My brothers are dangerous.' d. bà 3pl.g*b* jáá ident nɪ̀-bɔ́má hum-dangerous.pl rá. foc 'They are dangerous.' (human participants) e. à 3pl.g*a* jáá ident kɪ̀m-bɔ́má conc;anim-dangerous.pl rá. foc 'They are dangerous.' (non-human, non-abstract participants)


The sentences in (157) are made of two successive noun phrases. The referent of the first noun phrase is an entity or a process while the second noun phrase is semantically headed by a state predicate denoting a property. Although speakers prefer the presence of the identificational verb jaa 'to be' between the two noun phrases, its absence is acceptable and does not change the meaning of the sentence. In these identificational constructions, the comment identifies the topic as having a certain property, i.e. being bad, dangerous, or risky. The focus particle follows the second noun phrase, hence [NP1 NP2 ra] means 'NP1 is NP2' in which salience or novelty of information comes from NP2.

The form of /bɔm/ 'bad' is determined by the number value of the first noun phrase. Irrespective of the animacy encoded in the referent, a singular noun phrase triggers the form [bɔŋ] while a plural triggers [bɔma] (i.e. cl.3, Section 3.2.1.3). The number agreement is illustrated in (157a) and (157b).<sup>38</sup>

Properties do not appear as freestanding words in identificational constructions. To say 'the lion is dangerous', the grammar has to combine the predicate with a nominal classifier (or dummy substantive) that will license a noun, i.e. *lit.* 'lion is *thing*-dangerous', where *thing* stands for the slots where animacy is encoded. This is represented in (158).

(158) [[thing*animacy*-property] foc]

There are three dummy substantives in (157): nɪ-, wɪ-, and kɪn-. Each of them has a fully fledged noun counterpart; it can be pluralized, precede a demonstrative, etc. Those forms are kɪn/kɪna (cl.3) 'thing', nar/nara (cl.3) 'person' and wɪɪ/wɪɛ (cl.4) 'matter, palaver, problem, etc.'. Table 29 provides the three possible distinctions.

Since there are form and sense compatibilities between the inflecting noun pairs and the forms of the expressions preceding the qualitative predicate, a com-

<sup>38</sup> Notice that the nominalized verbal lexemes in (157f) and (157g) each triggers a different form for /bɔm/. The form tʃigisii 'turning' is analysed as a nominalized pluractional verb (see Section 4.3.2).

#### 3 Nominal

Table 29: Classifiers and Nouns


mon radical form for each is identified; kɪn- [conc;anim] 'concrete, non-human, non-abstract', nɪ- [hum] 'person, human being' and wɪ- [abst] 'non-concrete, non-person' are the three classifiers.<sup>39</sup>

All the sentences in (157) are ungrammatical without a classifier. The three classifiers combine with bɔŋ/bɔma to make proper constituents for an identificational construction. The structural setting is the result of a combination of grammatical constraints which specify that: (i) a property in predicative function cannot stand on its own, (ii) in predicative function, a property must be joined with a classifier, (iii) the merging of the classifier and the property forms a proper syntactic constituent for an identificational construction, and (iv) the form of the classifier is dependent on the animacy encoded in the argument of a qualitative predicate.

Finally, classifiers are also found in the formation of the words meaning 'something' and 'nothing'. Consider the examples in (160) and (159):

(159) a. ná-mùŋ-lɛ̀ɪ́ hum-all-not 'no one' b. wɪ-mùŋ-lɛ ́ ̀ɪ́ abst-all-not 'nothing' c. kɪn-mùŋ-lɛ ́ ̀ɪ́ conc;anim-all-not

'nothing'

<sup>39</sup> The classifier and the semantic information encoded in the head of the first noun phrase reflects one major analytical criterion for classifier systems (Dixon 1986; Corbett 1991; Grinevald 2000).

	- abst-one 'something'
	- c. kɪ̀n-dɪgɪ ́ ɪ́ ́ conc;anim-one 'something'

As with the role of classifiers in identificational constructions, here again the classifiers narrows down the tracking of a referent when one of those quantifiers is used. Again, the grammar arranges animacies into three categories, i.e. abst, conc;anim, and hum. A distinction is also made in English between hum (i.e. someone, no one) and anim;conc;abst (i.e. something, nothing), however English does not have a distinction which captures specifically abstract entities.

# **3.11 Summary**

The term nominal in the present context was argued to represent two separate notions. The first is conceptual. Nominal stems denote classes of entities whereas verbal stems denote events. The second notion is formal. A nominal stem was opposed to a verbal stem in noun formation. As a syntactic unit, the nominal constitutes an obligatory support to the main predicate and was presented above in various forms: as a pro-form, a single noun, or noun phrases consisting of a noun with a qualifier(s), an article(s), a demonstrative, among others. The heading of (161) represents the order of elements in the noun phrase in Chakali.<sup>40</sup>

(161) art/poss head qal num qant dem qant art foc/neg


<sup>40</sup> In (161) 'woman' may also be interpreted as 'wife'.


art1 headqal qalqant.many dem

s. à nɪ̀hã́pɔ́lɛɛ̄̀ ɲʊ́lʊ́má fí bānɪ̃ɛ̄̃ ̄wāāwāʊ̄'some of the ten fat blind women came' art1 headqal qal num qant.some

To summarize, each noun phrase in (161) is a grammatically and semantically acceptable noun phrase and respects the linear order offered on the first line. They were all elicited in a frame 'X came'. Certain orders are favored, but a strict linear order, especially among the qualifiers, needs further investigation. Notice that each noun phrase in (161), except for the weak personal pronoun in (161a), may or may not be in focus and may or may not be definite (i.e. accompanied by the article tɪŋ). Also, the slot head in (161) is not only represented in the examples by a noun or pronoun; example (161g) is headed by a demonstrative pronoun. Needless to say, this list of possible distributions of nominal elements within the noun phrase is not exhaustive. Again, caution should be taken since the examples in (161), particularly those towards the end of the list, are the result of elicitation. Their order of appearance can only be interpreted as an approximation of the noun phrase.

# **4 Verbal**

Any expression which can take the place of the predicate p in (162) is identified as *verbal*.

(162) ajc *±* s|a + p *±* o *±* ajc

The term can also refer to a semantic notion at the lexeme level. The language is analysed as exhibiting two types of verbal lexeme. In Section 3.2.4.4, the *stative* lexeme and the *active* lexeme were both shown to take part in nominalization processes. The verbal stem in (163) must be instantiated with a verbal lexeme.

(163) [[preverb]EVG [[stem]-[suffix]]verb]VG

In addition, the term can refer to the whole of the verbal constituent, including the verbal modifiers. The verbal group (VG) illustrated in (163) consists of linguistic slots which encode various aspects of an event which may be realized in an utterance. A free standing verb is the minimal requirement to satisfy the role of a predicative expression. The verbal modifiers, which are called preverbs (Section 4.2), are grammatical items which specify the event according to various semantic distinctions. They precede the verb(s) and take part in the expanded verbal group (EVG). The expanded verbal group identifies a domain which excludes the

#### 4 Verbal

main verb, so a verbal group without preverbs would be equivalent to a verb or a series of verbs (see SVC in Section 2.1.5).<sup>41</sup>

While a verbal stem provides the core meaning of the predication, a suffix may supply information on aspect, whether or not the verbal constituent is in focus and/or the index of participant(s) (i.e. o-clitic, Section 4.3.1). Despite there being little focus on tone and intonation, attention on the tonal melody of the verbal constituent is necessary since this also affects the interpretation of the event. These characteristics are presented below in a brief overview of the verbal system.

# **4.1 Verbal lexeme**

## **4.1.1 Syllable structure and tonal melody of the verb**

There is a preponderance of open syllables of type CV and CVV, and the common syllable sequences found among the verbs are CV, CVV, CVCV, CVCCV, CVVCV, and CVCVCV. In the dictionary, monosyllabic verbs make up approximately 13% of the verbs, bisyllabic 65%, and trisyllabic 22%. All segments are attested in onset position word initially, but only m, t, s, n, r, l, g, ŋ, and w are found in onset position word-medially in bisyllabic verbs, and only m, t, s, n, l, and g are found in onset position word-medially in trisyllabic verbs. All trisyllabic, CVVCV, and CVCCV verbs have one of the front vowels ({e, ɛ, i, ɪ}) in the nucleus of their last syllable. The data suggests that atr-harmony is operative, but not roharmony, in these three environments, e.g. fùòlì 'whistle'. There is no restriction on vowel quality for the monosyllabic or bisyllabic verbs and both harmonies are operative.

Table 30 presents verbs which are classified based on their syllable structures and tonal melodies. Despite the various attested melodies, instances of low tone CV verbs, CVV verbs other than low tone, and rising or falling CVCV, CVCCV, and CVVCV verbs are marginal.

Typically, CV verbs have a high melody, while CVV verbs are a low one. The mid tone (M) is not contrastive. Only a handful of minimal pairs can be found in the dictionary, e.g. pɔ̀ 'protect' and pɔ́'plant'.

<sup>41</sup> The term and notion are inspired from analyses of the verbal system of Gã (Dakubu 1970). A verbal group is unlike the verb phrase in that it does not include its internal argument, i.e. direct object. I am aware of the obvious need to unify the descriptions of the nominal constituent and the verbal constituent.


Table 30: Tonal melodies on verbs

## **4.1.2 Verbal state and verbal process lexemes**

A general distinction between stative and non-stative events is made: *verbal state* (stative event) and *verbal process* (active event) lexemes are assumed. A verbal state lexeme can be identificational, existential, possessive, qualitative, quantitative, cognitive or locative, and refers more or less to a state or condition which is static, as opposed to dynamic. The 'copula' verbsjaa and dʊa (and its allolexe tuo) are treated as subtypes of verbal stative lexemes since they are the only verbal lexemes which cannot function as a main verb in a perfective intransitive construction (see Section 4.1.4.1). Their meaning and distribution was introduced in the sections concerned with the identificational construction (Section 2.1.1) and existential construction (Section 2.1.2). The possessive verb kpaga'have' is

#### 4 Verbal

treated as a verbal state lexeme as well (see possessive clause in Section 2.1.3). A qualitative verbal state lexeme establishes a relation between an entity and a quality. Examples are given in (164).

(164) Qualitative verbal state lexeme bòró 'short' *>* à dáá bóróó 'The tree is short.' gòrò 'curved' *>* à dáá góróó 'The wood is curved.' jɔ́gɔ́sɪ́'soft' *>* à bìé bàtɔ́ŋ jɔ́gɔ́sɪ̀jɔ̀ʊ̄'The baby's skin is soft.'

Similarly, a quantitative verbal state lexeme establishes a relation between an entity and a quantity. Yet, in (165), the subject of maasɪ is the impersonal pronoun a which refers to a situation and not an individual. The verb hɪ̃ɛ̃'age' or 'old' is a quantitative verbal state lexeme since it measures objective maturity between two individuals, i.e. mɪŋ hɪ̃ɛ̃-ɪ, *lit.* 1sg.st age-2sg.wk, 'I am older than you'.

(165) Quantitative verbal state lexeme kánà 'abundant' *>* bà kánã́ʊ̃ ́ 'They are plenty (people).' mààsɪ̀'enough' *>* à máásɪjʊ́ ́ 'It is sufficient.' hɪ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ̀ 'age' *>* mɪŋ hɪ ́ ̃ɛ́ ̃ɪ́̃ ̀'I am older than you'

Cognitive verbs such as liise 'think', kʊ̃ʊ̃ 'wonder, kisi 'wish', tʃii 'hate', etc. are also treated as verbal state lexemes.

Verbal process lexemes denote non-stative events. They are often partitioned along the (lexical) aspectual distinctions of Vendler (1957), i.e. activities, achievements, accomplishments. Such verbal categories did not formally emerge, so I am not in a position to categorize the verbal process lexemes at this point in the research (but see Bonvini 1988: 51 for a thorough description of a Grusi verbal system), although Section 4.3 suggests that there is a system of verbal derivation that uses verbal process lexemes which needs to be uncovered. Thus, verbs which express that the participant(s) is actively doing something, undergoes a process, performs an action, etc. all fall within the set of verbal process lexemes.

## **4.1.3 Complex verb**

A complex verb is composed of more than one verbal lexeme. For instance, when laa 'take' and di 'eat' are brought together in a SVC (Section 2.1.5), they denote separate taking and eating event. A complex verb denotes a single event.

(166) a. ǹ̩ 1sg láá take kúòsò G. díūū. eat.foc 'I believe in God.'

b. ǹ̩ 1sg láá take bìé child dʊ́ʊ̄. put.foc 'I adopted a child.'

The sequences laa+di 'believe' and laa+dʊ 'adopt' are non-compositional, and less literal. Also, unlike complex stem nouns, but like SVCs, the elements which compose a complex verb must not necessarily be contiguous, as (166) shows. Other examples, among others, are zɪ̀mà síí, *lit.* know raise, 'understand', kpá tā, *lit.* take abandon, 'drop' or 'stop', and gɪ̀là zɪ̀mà, *lit.* allow know, 'prove'.

# **4.1.4 Verb forms and aspectual distinction**

The inflectional system of Chakali verbs displays few verb forms and is closer to neighbor Oti-Volta languages than, for instance, a 'conservative' Grusi language like Kasem (Bonvini 1988: 51).<sup>42</sup> Besides the derivational suffixes (Section 4.3.3), the verb in Chakali is limited to two inflectional suffixes and one assertive suffix: (i) one signals negation in the negative imperative clause (i.e. kpʊ́ 'Kill', tíí kpʊ̄ɪ̄'Don't kill'), (ii) another attaches to some verb stems in the perfective intransitive only, and (iii) the other signals assertion and puts the verbal constituent in focus. Since the negative imperative clause has already been presented in Section 2.3, the perfective and imperfective intransitive constructions are discussed next. Both are recurrent clauses in data elicitation. The former may contain both the perfective suffix and the assertive suffix simultaneously, while the latter displays the verb, with or without the assertive suffix.

**4.1.4.1 Perfective intransitive construction** As its name suggests, a perfective intransitive construction lacks a grammatical object and implies an event's completion or its reaching point. In the case of verbal state, the perfective implies that the given state has been reached, or that the entity in subject position satisfies the property encoded in the verbal state lexeme. In (167), two suffixes are attached on one verbal process stem and one verbal state stem (see Section 3.2.1.2 for the general phonotactics involved).<sup>43</sup>

<sup>42</sup> Dagbani is described as a language where the "inflectional system for verbs is relatively poor" (Olawsky 1999: 96). It has an imperfective suffix -di (Olawsky 1999: 97) and an imperative suffix -ma/mi (Olawsky 1999: 101). Bodomo (1997: 81) writes that Dagaare has four verb forms: a dictionary form, a perfective aspectual form, a perfective intransitive aspectual form and an imperfective aspectual form. Also for Dagaare, Saanchi (2003) talks about four forms: perfective A and B, and Imperfective A and B.

<sup>43</sup> The presence of a schwa (ə) in a CVCəCV surface form, as in (167c), is explained in Sections 3.2.1.3 and 3.1.2.

4 Verbal

```
(167) Perfective intransitive construction
```

The first suffix to attach is the perfective suffix, i.e. -j[-lo, -hi, -ro] or simply /jE/. Although it appears on every (positive and negative) stem in (167), it does not surface on all verb stems. The information in Table 31 partly predicts whether or not a stem will surface with a suffix, and if it does, which form this suffix will have.

Table 31: Perfective intransitive suffixes


Table 31 shows that, in a perfective intransitive construction, a CV stem must be suffixed with -jE and a CVV verb with -wA. The examples in (168) are negative in order to prevent the assertive suffix from appearing (see Section 5.3 on why negation and the assertive suffix cannot co-occur).

(168) a. *CV*

po *>* àfíá wá pójē 'Afia didn't divide' pɔ *>* àfíá wá pɔ́jɛ̄'Afia didn't plant' pu *>* àfíá wá pújē 'Afia didn't cover' pʊ *>* àfíá wá pʊ́jɛ̄'Afia didn't spit' kpe *>* àfíá wá kpéjē 'Afia didn't crack and remove' kpa *>* àfíá wá kpájɛ̄'Afia didn't take'

b. *CVV*

tuu *>* àfíá wá tūūwō 'Afia didn't go down' tie *>* àfíá wá tīēwō 'Afia didn't chew' sii *>* àfíá wá sīīwō 'Afia didn't raise' jʊʊ *>* àfíá wá jʊ̄ʊ̄wā 'Afia didn't marry' tɪɛ *>* àfíá wá tɪɛ̄wā ̄ 'Afia didn't give' wɪɪ *>* àfíá wá wɪɪ̄wā ̄'Afia is not ill'

The surface form of the perfective suffix which attaches to CV stems is predicted by the atr-harmony rule of Section 4.2. Notice that ro-harmony does not operate in that domain.

**Rule 13** Prediction for perfective intransitive -/wA/ suffix If the vowel of a CVV stem is +atr, the vowel of the suffix is +ro, and if the vowel of a CVV stem is –atr, the vowel of the suffix is -ro. -/wA/ *> α*ro*suf f ix* / *α*atr*stem*

The CVV stems display harmony between the stem vowel(s) and the suffix vowel which is easily captured by a variable feature alpha notation, as shown in Rule (13), which assumes that the segment [o] is the [+ro, +atr]-counterpart of [a].

Predicting which of set CVCV<sup>1</sup> or set CVCV<sup>2</sup> in Table 31 a stem falls has proven unsuccessful. Provisionally, I suggest that a CVCV stem must be stored with such an information. One piece of evidence supporting this claim comes from the minimal pair tèlè 'reach' and télé 'lean against': the former displays CVCV<sup>2</sup> (i.e. tele-jE), whereas the latter displays CVCV<sup>1</sup> (i.e. tele-Ø). The data shows that a CVCV stem with round vowels is less likely to behave like a CVCV<sup>1</sup> stem, yet púmó 'hatch' is a counter-example, i.e. a zal wa puməje 'the fowl didn't hatch'. The CVCCV, CVVCV, and CVCVCV stems have not been investigated, but kaalɪ 'go', a common CVVCV verb, takes the /-jE/ suffix.

**4.1.4.2 Imperfective intransitive construction** The imperfective conveys the unfolding of an event, and it is often used to describe an event taking place at the moment of speech. In addition, the behavior of the egressive marker ka (Section 4.2.1) suggest that the imperfective may be interpreted as a progressive event. As in the perfective intransitive, the assertive suffix may be found attached to the verb stem.

(169) [[verb stem]-[+hi,+ro]]verb in focus

#### 4 Verbal

Again, the constraints licensing the combination of the verb stem and the vowel features shown in (169) are (i) none of the other constituents in the clause are in focus, (ii) the clause does not include a negation element, and (iii) the clause is intransitive, that is, there is no grammatical object.

(170) a. Positive

ʊ̀ kàá kpá 'She will take' ʊ̀ʊ̀ kpáʊ̄'She is taking/takes.'


rā.

In (170), the forms of the verb in the intransitive imperfective take the assertive suffix to signal that the verbal constituent is in focus, as opposed to the nominal argument. The assertive suffix cannot appear when the subject is in focus (170c) or when the strong pronoun is used as subject (170d), when a grammatical object follows the verb (170e), or when the negation preverb waais present (170b).

**4.1.4.3 Intransitive vs. transitive** Many verbs can occur in either intransitive or transitive clauses. The subject of the intransitve in (171a) and (171c) correspond to the subject of the transitive in (171b) and (171d), and the same verb is found with and without an object.

	- foc 'Kala ate food.'
	- c. ʊ̀ʊ̀ psg búólùū. sing.ipfv.foc 'He is singing.'

d. ʊ̀ʊ̀ psg búólù sing.ipfv būōl song lō. foc 'He is singing a song.'

It is possible to promote a prototypical theme argument to the subject position. However, informants have difficulty with some nominals in the subject position of intransitive clauses. The topic needs further investigation, although it is certainly related to a semantic anomaly. The data in (172), where the prototypical o(bject) is in a-position, illustrates the problem. In order to concentrate on the activities of 'goat beating' and 'tree climbing', and turn the two clauses (172b) and (172c) into acceptable utterances, the optimal solution is to use the impersonal pronoun bain subject position (see impersonal pronoun in Section 3.3.2).

	- b. \*a bʊ̃ʊ̃ŋ kaa maŋãʊ̃'the goat is being beaten' *→* bàà máŋà à bʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ́ŋ ná
	- c. \*a daa kaa zɪnãʊ̃'the tree is being climbed' *→* bàà zɪná à dáá rá ́

Given that the inflectional system of the verb is rather poor, and that the perfective and assertive suffixes occur only in intransitive clauses, how does one encode a basic contrast like the one between a transitive perfective and transitive imperfective? The paired examples in (173) and (174) illustrate relevant contrasts.

## (173) Transitive perfective

	- a. ǹ̩ǹ̩ dí kʊ́ʊ́rá 'I am eating t.z..'

4 Verbal


Each pair in the verbal frames of (173) and (174) presents fairly regular patterns: the high tone *versus* the falling tone on the CVCV verbs, the systematic change of the tonal melodies on the grammatical objects in the two CV-verb cases, and the length of the weak pronoun in the imperfective. The data suggest that it is the tonal melody, and not exclusively the one associated with the verb, which supports aspectual function in this comparison. When the verb is followed by an argument, both perfective and the imperfective are expressed with the base form of the verb. However, the tonal melody alone can determine whether an utterance is to be understood as a bounded event which occurred in the past or an unbounded event unfolding at the moment of speech.

Tonal melody is crucial in the following examples as well. The examples in (175) are three polar questions (see Section 2.2.2), one in the perfective and two in the imperfective. The two first have the same segmental content, and the last contains the egressive preverb kaa with a rising tone indicating the future tense. In order to signal a polar question, each has an extra-low tone and is slightly lengthened at the end of the utterance.

(175) a. – ɪ 2sg – – – teŋesi cut.pv – a art – – namɪã̃ meat – – raa? foc 'Did you cut the meat (into pieces)?' b. – ɪ 2sg – – – teŋesi cut.pv – a art – – namɪã̃ meat – – raa? foc 'Are you cutting the meat (into pieces)?'

> c. – ɪ 2sg – – kaa ipfv.fut – – – teŋesi cut.pv – a art – – namɪã̃ meat – – raa? foc 'Will you (be) cut(ting) the meat (into pieces)?'

The only distinction perceived between (175a) and (175b) is a pitch difference near the third syllable of the verb. The tonal melody associated with the verb in (175c) is the same as the one in (175b).

**4.1.4.4 Ex-situ subject imperfective particle** One topic-marking strategy is to prepose a non-subject constituent to the beginning of the clause. In (176), the focus particle may or may not appear after the non-subjectival topic. Notice that one effect of this topic-marking strategy is that the particle dɪ appears between the subject and the verb when the non-subject constituent is preposed and when the clause is used to describe what is happening at the moment of speech.

(176) a. Imperfective

sɪgá́ bean (rá) (foc) ʊ̀ 3.sg dɪ̀ ipfv tíē. chew

'It is beans he is chewing.'

b. Perfective ʊ̀

sɪgá́ bean (rá) (foc) 3.sg tìè. chew 'It is beans he chewed.'

c. Imperfective wàà Wa (rá) (foc) ʊ̀ 3.sg dɪ̀ ipfv káálɪ̀. go 'It is to wa that he is going.'

d. Perfective wàà Wa (rá) (foc) ʊ̀ 3.sg kààlɪ̀. go

'It is to wa that he went.' The position of dɪ̀

in (176a) and (176c), that is between the subject and the verb, is generally occupied by linguistic items called *preverbs*, to which the discussion turns in Section 4.2. Provisionally, the particle dɪ̀may be treated as a preverb constrained to occur with a preposed non-subject constituent and an imperfective aspect.<sup>44</sup>

<sup>44</sup> I do not treat topicalization in this work, although the left-dislocation strategy in (176) is the only one I know to exist.

#### 4 Verbal

**4.1.4.5 Subjunctive** In Section 2.1.8.2 the preverbal ŋma is said to convey a desiderative mood, corresponding to the English modal expression 'want to', in a construction [NP ŋma [NP VP]]. The embedded clause is said to be in the subjunctive mood, which is singled out by its high tone on the subject pronoun and the non-actuality and potentiality of the event. In the examples (177a) and (177b) a subjunctive is interpreted because it involves clauses expressing a future hypothetical time and realization. In all these cases, the clauses of which the high tone pronoun is the subject seem to depend on and complement a more central event.


In (177a), according to the speaker, the trading activity is the intention of the woman and it will take place in all likelihood, and in (177b), the speaker tells about two situations that the addressee will most likely experience.

# **4.2 Preverb particles**

Preverb particles encode various event-related meanings. They are part of the verbal domain called the expanded verbal group (EVG), discussed in (4) and schematized in (163). This domain follows the subject and precedes the main verb(s) and is generally accessible only to a limited set of linguistic items. These grammatical morphemes are not verbs, in the sense that they do not contribute to SVCs as verbs do, but as 'auxiliaries'. Still, some of the preverbs may historically derive from verbs, and some others may synchronically function as verbs. Examples of the latter are the egressive particle ka and ingressive particle wa, which are discussed in Section 4.2.1. Nevertheless, given the data available, it would not be incorrect to analyse some of the preverbs as additional SVC verbs. A preverb differs from a verb in that it exposes functional categories, cannot inflect for the perfective or assertive suffix, and never takes a complement, such as a grammatical object, or cannot be modified by an adjunct. But again, a first verb in a SVC and a preverb are categories which can be hard to distinguish. Structurally

and functionally, many of them may be analysed as grammaticalized verbs in series. These characteristics are not special to Chakali; similar, but not identical, behavior are described for Gã and Gurene (Dakubu 2007; 2008).

## **4.2.1 Egressive and ingressive particles**

The egressive particle ka(a) (glossed egr) 'movement away from the deictic centre' and the ingressive particle wa(a) (glossed ingr) 'movement towards the deictic centre' are assumed to derive from the verbs kaalɪ 'go' and waa 'come'.<sup>45</sup> Table 32 shows that kaalɪ 'go' and waa 'come', like other verbs, change forms (and are acceptable) in these paradigms, but ka(a)is not.



When the verbs kaalɪ 'go' and waa 'come' occur in a SVC, they surface as ka and wa respectively. In (178), both ka and wa take part in a two-verb SVC in which they are first in the sequence.

<sup>45</sup> A discussion on some aspects of grammaticalization of 'come' and 'go' can be read in Bourdin (1992). In the literature, egressive is also known as *itive* (i.e. away from the speakers, 'thither') and ingressive is known as *ventive* (i.e. towards the speakers, 'hither').

4 Verbal

(178) a. gbɪ̃ã̀ ́ monkey bààŋ quickly [[*pv* té early *pv*]*EV G* kà go *v* sáŋá sit *v*]*V P* à art píé yam.mound.pl (…) (…) 'Monkey quickly went and sat on the (eighth) yam mounds (…)' [LB 012]

b. ŋmɛ́ŋtɛ́l spider làà collect nʊ̃ ̀ã̀ mouth nɪ́ postp ká conn ŋmá say dɪ́ comp ʊ́ʊ́ 3sg wá come *v* ɲʊ̃ ̀ã̀ drink *v* nɪɪ́.́ water

'(Monkey went to spider's farm to greet him.) Spider accepted (the greetings) and (Spider) asked him (Monkey) to come and drink water.' [LB 011]

Because they derive from deictic verbs (historically or synchronically), the preverbs have the potential to indicate non-spatial 'event movement' to or from a deictic centre. This phenomenon is not uncommon cross-linguistically. Nicolle (2007: 62) maintains that when a movement verb becomes a tense marker, it may be reduced to a verbal affix and its meaning can develop "into meaning relating temporal relations between events and reference times". In Chakali, the preverb ka(a) contributes temporal information to an expression. Consider in (179) the distribution and contribution of ka(a) to the clauses headed by the verbs kpe 'crack a shell and remove a seed from it' (henceforth 'c&r') and mara'attach'.<sup>46</sup>

	- b. ʊ̀ kàá mārā 'She will attach' ʊ̀ʊ̀ máráʊ̄'She is attaching/attaches' ʊ̀ márɪ̀jʊ̄'She attached' márá'Attach'

When the preverb particle kaa is uttered with a rising pitch it situates the event in the future. The preverb particle kaa can also be used to express that an event is ongoing at the moment of speech, which I call the present progressive. However, when it is used to describe what is happening now, kaacan only appear when

<sup>46</sup> In Gurene (Western Oti-Volta), it is the ingressive particle which has a similar role. The ingressive is commonly used before the verb, and can, among other things, express future tense (see Dakubu 2007: 59).

the subject is not a pronoun and its tone melody differs from that of the future tense. These contrasts are given in (180).

(180) ʊ̀ kàá mārā 'She will attach' ʊ̀ʊ̀ máráʊ̄'She is attaching' wʊ̀sá kàá mārā 'Wusa will attach' wʊ̀sá káá máráʊ̄'Wusa is attaching' \*wʊ̀sá máráʊ̄'Wusa is attaching'

The paradigm in (180) shows that when the preverb particle kaa appears with a rising tonal melody it expresses the future tense, but in order to convey that a situation is ongoing at the time of speech (i.e. present progressive), the preverb particle kaa has a high tone. Thus, it is the tonal melody on kaa which distinguishes between the future and the present progressive (both treated as imperfective), plus the fact that pronouns cannot co-occur with the preverb particle kaain the present progressive.

	- b. à art bìè child háŋ̀ dem kàà ipfv bīlīgī touch ʊ̀ʊ̀ poss.3sg nàál grand.father kɪ̀nkán many nà. foc 'This child touches his grand-father.'

In (181b) kaa's melody is shown to be affected by the pitch of the preceding noun bie (LH) 'child' and the demonstrative haŋ (HL) 'this'. Although little evidence is available, the preverb wa may also be used to express a sort of hypothetical mood. In (182), the preverb wa should be seen as contributing a supposition, or a hypothetical circumstance where someone would be found calling the number 8.

(182) ŋmɛ́ŋtɛ́l spider ŋmā say dɪ,̄ comp kɔ̀sánã́ɔ̃ ̀,buffalo tɔ́ʊ́tɪɪ̄nā̄ land.owner ŋmá say dɪ,́ comp námùŋ anyone wá ingr jɪ̀rà call ŋmɛ́ŋtɛ́l eight sɔ́ŋ, name bá 3pl.hum+ kpáɣʊ́ʊ̄ catch.3sg wàà foc bá 3pl.hum+ kpʊ́. kill 'Spider told Buffalo that landowner said anyone who calls the number 8 should be brought to him to be killed.' [LB 009]

#### 4 Verbal

Finally, the example in (183) intends to show that some elders of Ducie and Gurumbele use ta instead of ka(a), as a variant of the preverb.<sup>47</sup>

(183) Priest talking to the shrine, holding a kola nut above it má 2pl láá take kàpʊ́sɪɛ́ ̀ kola.nut

háŋ̀ dem ká conn jà 1pl mɔ́sɛ́ plead tɪ̀ɛ̀ give wɪɪ́ ́ matter tɪ̀ŋ art bà 3pl.b tà/kàà egr búúrè want 'Take this kola nut, we implore you to give them what they desire.'

Unfortunately, since the relation between tense, aspect, and tonal melody is not well-understood at this stage of research, the egressive ka and the ingressive wa are broadly glossed as egr and ingr respectively, but can also be associated with composite glosses such as ipfv.fut or ipfv.pres in cases where a distinction is clear.

## **4.2.2 Negation preverb**

There are three different particles of negation in the language: the formslɛɪ and tɪ were discussed in Sections 2.3 and 3.8 respectively. The negative preverb particle wa(a) precedes the verb and is used in the verbal group (in non-imperative mood). The same form is found in both main and dependent clauses.

	- 'She didn't add.'

The examples in (184) show that a tonal quality on the negation particle and following verb distinguishes between the present progressive and the future, as the preverb kaa does (see example 180). The length of the negation particle can also function as a cue.

<sup>47</sup> I gathered that (i) ta is not a different preverb (Gurene is said to have a preverb ta signifying intentional action (M. E. K. Dakubu, p. c.)), and (ii) ta can be heard in Ducie and Gurumbele from people of the oldest generation, but somebody suggested to me that ta is the common form in Motigu (Mba Zien, p. c.). The distinction is in need of further research.

(185) a. námùŋ clf.all wà neg ná-ŋ̀. see-1.sg 'Nobody saw me.' (*lit.* everyone not see me) b. ǹ 1.sg wà neg ná see námùŋ. clf.all 'I did not see anyone.' (*lit.* I not see everyone)

Example (185) shows that when the negation particle wa(a) and a quantifier appear in the same clause the quantifier is in the positive.

(186) a. ʊ̀ 3sg wà neg wá come dī. eat 'She did not come to eat.' b. ʊ̀ 3sg wàá neg wà come dí. eat

'She will not come to eat.'

The negative preverb always precedes the verb waa 'come'. Although length (CV or CVV) is hard to differentiate in natural speech, the examples in (186) suggest that the tonal melody and length establish meaning differences.

Assertion and negation seem to avoid one another and constrain the grammar in the following way: *If a clause is negated, none of its constituents can be in focus.* In Section 3.3.1, it was shown that (i) negation cannot co-occur with the strong pronouns, and (ii) negation cannot co-occur with an argument of the predicate in focus, i.e. with ra or one of its variants having scope over the noun phrase. The third non-occurrence of negation concerns the assertive form of the verb (Section 5.3). Consider the forms of the verb mara 'attach' in the two paradigms in (187).

(187) a. Positive

ʊ̀ kàá mārā 'She will attach' ʊ̀ʊ̀ máráʊ̄'She is attaching/attaches' ʊ̀ márɪ̀jʊ̄'She attached'

b. Negative

ʊ̀ wàá mārā 'She will not attach' ʊ̀ʊ̀ wàà márá 'She is not attaching/does not attach' ʊ̀ wà márɪ̀jɛ̄'She did not attach'

The paradigms in (187) suggest that the negation particle and the assertive suffix are in complementary distribution.

#### 4 Verbal

## **4.2.3 Tense, aspect, and mood preverbs**

**4.2.3.1 fɪ** The preverb fɪ is identified with two different but interrelated meanings. First, as (188) shows, the preverb fɪ (glossed pst) is a neutral past tense particle (i.e. as opposed to the specific dɪ of Section 4.2.3.2), and the event referred to in the past can no longer be in effect in the present.

	- b. ʊ̀ 3sg fɪ̀ pst jáá ident ǹ̩ǹ̩ 3sg.poss tʃítʃà teacher rā. foc 'He was my teacher.'

Secondly, the preverb fɪ(glossed mod) can have deontic meaning.

	- b. ʊ̀ 3sg fɪ̀ mod wáá neg jàà ident ǹ̩ǹ̩ 3sg.poss tʃítʃà. teacher 'He should not have been my teacher.'
	- c. ʊ̀ fɪ̀jáá ǹ̩ǹ̩ tʃítʃà rā'He was my teacher.'
	- d. ʊ̀ fɪ̀wà jáá ǹ̩ǹ̩ tʃítʃà'He was not my teacher.'

In (189), the presence of the preverb fɪstill conveys past tense, but in addition it expresses that the situation did not really occur, yet it was objectively supposed to occur or subjectively expected to occur or awaited. The lengthening of the preverb fɪ in the positive is not accounted for, but I suspect it signals the imperfective. Compare the first two sentences in (189) with the last two which convey the neutral past. The positive sentence in (189a) can receive a translation along these lines: In a desirable possible world, he was my teacher, but it is not what happened in the real world.

(190) a. m̩ ̀m̩ ̀ 1sg.poss mɪ̀bʊ̀à life fɪ́ mod bɪ̀rgɪ̀. delay 'May I live long!'

> b. tɪ̀ɛ̀ give m̩ ̀m̩ ̀ 1sg.poss mɪ̀bʊ̀à life bɪrgɪ ́ ̀. delay 'Let me live long!'

Finally, the preverb fɪ in (190) still conveys deontic modality, where the speaker prays or asks permission for a situation. Notice, however, that it cannot refer to a past event. The two sentences in (190) have a corresponding meaning. Example (190b) is framed in an imperative clause (see *optative* in Section 2.3).

**4.2.3.2 Preverb three-interval tense** Chakali encodes in preverbs a type of time categorization known as three-interval tense (Frawley 1992: 366). It is possible to express that an event occurred specifically yesterday, as opposed to earlier today and the day before yesterday, i.e. *hesternal tense* (glossed hest), or specifically tomorrow, as opposed to later today and the day after tomorrow, i.e. *crastinal tense* (glossed cras). The hesternal tense particle dɪ/de (glossed hest) refers to the day preceding the speech time. It has the temporal nominal counterpart dɪ̀àrɛ̀'yesterday'.

(191) (dɪ̀àrɛ̀tɪ̀n) (yesterday) ʊ̀ 3sg nɪ́ conn ʊ̀ 3sg.poss tʃɛ̀ná friend dɪ́ hest wāāwā come.pfv (dɪ̀àrɛ̀tɪ̀n). (yesterday) 'He arrived with his friend yesterday.'

In (191), the phrase dɪare tɪn 'yesterday' is optional, and when it is used it must be expressed at the end or at the beginning of the clause.

(192) Will you work for the chief today or tomorrow? ǹ̩ 1sg tʃɪ́ cras kàá go tʊ̀mà work tɪɛ̄ʊ̄ ̄ give.3sg rà, foc, záàŋ, today, ǹ̩ 1sg kàá egr hɪ̃ɛ̀ ̃ ̀sʊ̀ʊ̄. rest.foc 'I shall work for him tomorrow, today, I shall rest.'

The crastinal tense preverb tʃɪ (glossed cras) in (192) functions as future particle, but is limited to the day following the event time. In that sentence the event time referred to follows the utterance time by one day. The temporal nominal counterpart of tʃɪ is tʃɪ̃ã̀ ́ 'tomorrow'. As for the hesternal tense and the corresponding nominal, the nominal may or may not co-occur with the crastinal tense particle.

The hesternal tense particle dɪ is homophonous with the (*ex-situ subject*) imperfective particle dɪ discussed in Section 4.1.4.4. In addition, the question arises as to whether the crastinal tense is inherently future, and if so, whether or not

#### 4 Verbal

it can co-occur with the future-encoding egressive preverb discussed in Section 4.2.1. Consider their distribution and meaning in the examples given in (193).

(193) a. Imperfective

sɪgá́ bean (rá) (foc) ʊ̀ 3.sg dɪ̀ ipfv tíē. chew 'It is beans he is chewing.'

b. Perfective/Past

sɪgá́ bean (rá) (foc) ʊ̀ 3.sg tìè. chew

'It is beans he chewed.'

c. Hesternal past sɪgá́ bean (rá) (foc) ʊ̀ 3.sg dɪ́ hest tìè. chew

'It is beans he chewed yesterday.'

d. Hesternal past progressive sɪgá́ bean (ra) (foc) ʊ̀ 3.sg dɪɪ́ ́ hest tīè. chew

'It is beans he was chewing yesterday.'

e. Future (progressive) sɪgá́ bean (rá) (foc) ʊ̀ 3.sg kàá fut tíē. chew

'It is beans he will be chewing / will chew.'

f. Crastinal future (progressive) sɪgá́ bean (rá) (foc) ʊ̀ 3.sg tʃɪ́ cras kàá fut tìè. chew 'It is beans he will be chewing / will chew tomorrow.'

A specific tonal melody associated with the sequence dɪ tie can express either a present progressive, as in (193a), or a hesternal past, as in (193b). Lengthening the hesternal past particle allows one to express the tense associated with the particle, in addition to indicating progressive (193d). This strategy seems to correspond semantically to the apparent syntactic anomaly \*dɪ dɪ, *lit.* hest ipfv. The example in (193f) shows that the crastinal tense particle and the egressive particle signaling future can co-occur. Inserting the imperfective particle dɪ between the egressive particle and the verb in (193e) and (193f) is unacceptable. It is unclear whether these two examples must be interpreted as progressive or not.

**4.2.3.3 te** Lacking a corresponding verb to capture its meaning, the verb te is glossed with the English adverb 'early'. Even though it is attested as main verb, te can function as a preverb and it is indeed more common to find it in that function.

(194) a. ɪ̀ 2sg téjòō. early.foc 'You are early.' b. gbɪ̃ã̀ ́ monkey bààŋ quickly *pv* té early *pv* kà go *v* sáŋá sit *v* à art píé yam.mound.pl (…) 'Monkey quickly went and sat on the (eighth) yam mounds (…)' [LB 012]

The main verb te and the preverb te are shown respectively in (194). They contribute a relative time, one in which the event is carried out before the expected or usual time.

**4.2.3.4 zɪ** The preverb zɪis marginal in the corpus.<sup>48</sup>

(195) a. A father is giving a sequence of tasks to his son tʊ̀mà work à art zɪ̃ɛ́ ̃ ́ wall mʊ̃ ́ã̀ before ká conn kà go tʊ̀mà work kùó farm àká conn zɪ́ after *pv* kà go *v* tʊ̀mà work *v* à art gár cattle.fence

'First repair the wall, then go and farm, then repair the cattle fence.'

(i) *bà* 3pl.b *zé* exp *wāāwāʊ̄.* come.pfv 'They (the expected people) have come.'

<sup>48</sup> There is a formally similar particle, ze (glossed exp), which is still not understood: (i) it occurs after the noun phrase, and (ii) its meaning corresponds to 'expected (by both the speaker and the addressee, or only by the speaker)'. It informs that the referent of the noun phrase was anticipated before the utterance time (or relative time) by the speaker and addressee (or only the speaker). Consider the following example:

4 Verbal

b. kààlɪ̀ go dɪ̀á house ká and zɪ́ then *pv* kààlɪ̀ go *v* kùó. farm

'Go to the house and then go to the farm.'

There is no corresponding verb in the language. It is used to express an order of events, in such case words such as mʊ̃ã 'before' and zɪ 'after' and the connective ka/aka 'and/then' are used, as (195a) shows. However, as (195b) illustrates, the preceding event may be presupposed, so it is not necessarily uttered.

**4.2.3.5 baaŋ** The preverb baaŋ (glossed mod) is primarily modal and is usually translated into English 'must', 'immediately', 'quickly' or 'just'.

	- b. ɪ̀ɪ̀ 2sg kàá fut bààŋ mod jáʊ́ do.3sg rā. foc 'You must do it.'

First, the examples in (196) show that the preverb baaŋconveys an obligation.

(197) (…) (…) à conn kpá take ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg.poss néŋ arm à conn sàgà be.on ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg nɪ̄ postp dɪ́ conn ʊ̀ 3sg bààŋ mod *pv* té early *pv* bɛ̀rɛ̀gɪ̀ turn.into *v* dʊ̃ ́ʊ̃ ̀ python

'(…) then put his hand on her and quickly turned into a python.' [PY 025]

Secondly, as illustrated in (197), the preverb baaŋ can express an abrupt or swift manner.

(198) a. ʊ̀ 3sg zɪmá ́ know dɪ́ comp jà 1pl kàá fut ŋmá talk ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg.poss wɪɛ́ ́ matter rá foc ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg bààŋ mod tʃùò lie dúò. sleep

'He knew that we would talk about him, so he quickly slept.'


Finally, the preverb baaŋ may act as a discourse particle used mainly to emphasize or intensify the action carried out, reminiscent of the use of 'just' in some English registers. It is often translated in text as 'immediately', 'suddenly', 'then', or simply 'just'. Examples are given in (198).

**4.2.3.6 bɪ** The examples in (199) show that the preverb particle bɪ expresses iterative iteration, but also the single repetition of an event, and follows the negation particle.

	- b. à art bìtʃèlíí child.fall bɪ́ itr sīīú. raise.foc 'The fallen child gets up again.'
	- c. ʊ̀ 3.sg wà neg bɪ́ itr tùō. be.at 'She is no longer here.'

Unlike other preverbs, bɪ may also appear within noun phrases to express frequency time. This is shown in (200) (see Section 3.6.5).

(200) ǹ̩ 1sg jáà hab káálɪ̀ go ùù 3sg.poss pé end rè foc tʃɔ̀pɪ̀sɪ̀ day.break bíí itr mùŋ. all 'I do visit him every day.'

#### 4 Verbal

**4.2.3.7 bra** The verb bra ([bə̆ ̀rà]) is a motion verb which conveys a change of direction.

(201) a. brà return à conn káálɪ̀. go 'Go back.' (Hearer coming towards speaker, speaker asks addressee to turn and go back.) b. brà return àká conn tʃáʊ̀. leave.3sg

> 'Return and leave him.' (Speaker asks addressee to turn and go away from the person the addressee is with.)

The examples in (201) present the verb bra in imperative clauses separated by the connectives a and aka.

(202) ʊ̀ 3sg brá again tʊ̀mà work à art tʊ́má work tɪŋ́ art kà egr wà neg wíré well kéŋ̀. dxm 'He redid the work that was badly done.'

When bra functions as a preverb, as in (202), it loosely keeps its motion sense and conveys in addition a sort of repetition. It differs from the morpheme bɪ introduced in Section 4.2.3.6 since it does not mean that an action is done repeatedly. Instead, the preverb bra is associated with actions done 'once more', 'over again', or 'anew'.

**4.2.3.8 ja** The preverb ja(a) (glossed hab) indicates habitual aspect. It expresses that the subject's referent is accustomed to, familiar with, or routinely do the action described by the predicate.

(203) tʃɔ̀pɪ̀sɪ̀ day.break bɪ-múŋ ́ ̀ itr-all ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg jáà hab jááʊ̄. do.3sg 'He does it every day.'

A variation in length and intonation suggest an (im)perfective aspectual distinction. In (203) there is a vowel sequence aa pronounced with a falling intonation. Compare this with the examples in (204).

(204) a. kàlá K. já hab tùgòsì beat.pl bísé child.pl ré. foc 'Kala beat children.' (He used to do it.)

> b. kàlá K. jáà hab túgósì beat.pl bísé child.pl ré. foc 'Kala beats children.' (He regularly does it.)

The aspectual distinction in (204) is reflected by the preverb's vocalic length and intonation, but also on the following verb's intonation.

**4.2.3.9 ha** The morpheme ha (glossed mod) is similar in meaning to the English morpheme 'yet' and is circumscribed to the expanded verbal group. The expression haalɪ (glossed conn) has a similar meaning but is mainly used as a discourse connective. It is not frequent and is ultimately of Arabic origin, but like many other words, have been acquired via another language, in this case Hausa (Baldi 2008: 157-158). An example is provided in (205f).

	- b. ʊ̀ 3.sg há mod wà neg díìjē. eat.pfv 'He has not eaten yet.'
	- c. bà 3pl.hum+ ɲíné look ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg.poss gɛ̀rɛ̀gá sickness rá foc àká conn ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg háá mod wɪɪ̄̀. ill 'He has been cared for to no avail; he is still ill.'
	- d. ʊ̀ 3.sg há mod wà neg wāā come báàŋ dem múŋ̀. qant.all 'He does not come here (ever).'
	- e. ʊ̀ 3.sg há mod wà neg wááwá. come.pfv

'He has not come yet.'

f. m̀ 1.sg búúré want mòlèbíé money bìrgì delay háálɪ̀ conn ǹ 1sg há mod wà come nã́ã̀. see.3pl 'I struggled to get money for some time but still have not got any.'

The morpheme ha is used when an event is or was anticipated and a speaker considers or considered probable the occurrence of the event. As for the English 'yet', it is frequently found in negative polarity. In such cases ha indicates that the event is expected to happen and the negative marker waindicates that the

#### 4 Verbal

event has not unfolded or happened at the referred time. In the cases where ha is found in a positive polarity, it conveys a continuative aspect, that the event is happening at the time, similar to English 'still', as in (205a) and (205c).

**4.2.3.10 tu and zɪn** The verbs tuu and zɪna are motion expressions making reference to two opposite paths.

(206) a. ǹ̩ 1sg zɪnà́ go.up sàl flat.roof lá foc ḿ̩ 1sg páá take.pv tʃùònò. shea.nut.seed.pl 'I go up on the roof to collect my shea nuts.' b. ǹ 1sg túú go.down dɪ̀à house rá. foc I went down to the house.'

When they are used as main predicate, as in example (206), they denote 'go down' and 'go up' and surface as tuu and respectively.

zɪna

(207) a. zɪná́ go.up tʃɔ́ run à conn káálɪ̀. go 'Go up, run, and leave' (\*Run upwardly and go) b. tùù go.down tʃɔ́ run à conn káálɪ̀. go 'Go down, run, and leave' (\*Run downwardly and go)

The verbal morphemes tuu and zɪn in (207) are not treated as preverbs, but first verbs in SVCs. As explained at the beginning of Section 4.2, more criteria are required to be considered in order to categorize verbals of that particular kind.

# **4.3 Verbal suffixes**

In Section 4.1.4, two suffixes were introduced: the perfective intransitive suffix and the assertive suffix. It was shown that the perfective intransitive suffix surfaces either as -jE, -wA or -Ø depending on the verb stem. The assertive suffix appears in the imperfective and perfective intransitive construction if (i) none of the other constituents in the clause are in focus, (ii) the clause does not include propositional negation, and (iii) the clause is intransitive, that is, there is no grammatical object. Also, as mentioned in Section 2.3, the suffix -ɪ/-i appears in the negative imperative. In this section, the incorporated object index (o-clitic), the

pluractional suffix, and other derivative suffixes whose functions are not fully understood are introduced.

## **4.3.1 Incorporated object index**

The object index is represented as being incorporated into the verb, and together they form a phonological word (e.g. wʊ̀sá tɪɛ́ ́ń nā < wʊ̀sá tɪɛ-n̩ na 'Wusa gave-1sg foc'). For that reason the incorporated object index is referred to as the o-clitic. Given the constraints governing the appearance of the perfective intransitive suffix and the assertive suffix, it is obvious that the o-clitic cannot coexist with any of them. Table 33 shows that the atr-harmony operates in the domain produced by the o-clitic merging with a CV or CVV stem, but may or may not affect the plural pronouns, as Tables 33(b) and 33(c) display.<sup>49</sup>

The form of the focus particle is determined by the preceding material (i.e. the phonological word verb+o-clitic) and the harmony rules introduced in Section 3.2.2.2. Table 33(d) should be seen as displaying various renditions, i.e. with and without atr-harmony or ro-harmony. I did perceive rounding throughout in conversations (i.e. wʊ̀sá pómá rā *>* wʊ̀sá pómó wō 'Wusa divided you.pl'), but I was unable to get a consultant produce it in an elicitation session.

A CVCV stem differs from a CV or CVV stem by exhibiting vowel apocope and/or vowel coalescence. Table 34 provides paradigms for kpaga 'catch' and goro'(go in) circle'.

The schwas (ə) in kpaɣəja and gorəja are perceived as fronted, and the ones in kpaɣəma and gorəma as rounded. Although this is certainly due to the following consonant, they are so weak that they can only be heard when they are carefully pronounced (see Section 3.1.2). The paradigm in Table 34(b) can also be uttered in the plural as górójé rē (1pl), górémá rā (2pl), góráá rā (3pl.-h), and górébá rā(3pl.+h). The focus particle wa is a variant of ra. Some consultants agree that these forms are in free variation, yet the wa form coexists only with the plural in the paradigms elicited. Nonetheless, such paradigm elicitations are particularly subject to unnaturalness.<sup>50</sup>

<sup>49</sup> The question mark following the third person plural non-human examples flags a grammatical but infelicitous example.

<sup>50</sup> I personally believe that the alteration is determined by some kind of sandhi, not number. As to why wa appears only in the plural, a scenario may be that (i) first, I install a routine by starting with the 1.sg me and ending with the 3.pl them, (ii) in the process of eliciting, the passage from third singular to first plural triggers a different verb shape, i.e. CVCVV/CVCN to CVCVCV, and (iii) although formally identical to the verb forms of the singular, the reason why wafollows the third plural non-human could be explained by psychological habituation.



## **4.3.2 Pluractional suffixes**

A pluractional verb is defined as a verb which can (i) express the repetition of an event, (ii) subcategorize for a plural object and/or plural subject, and/or (iii) be marked by the pluractional suffix -sI, a derivative suffix whose vowel quality is

Table 34: Incorporated object index on CVCV stems



always high and front and whose atr value is determined by the stem vowel(s).<sup>51</sup> According to (i) above, the iterativeness may affect the interpretation of the number of participants of an event. Consider the contrasts between the sentences in (208), where none of the arguments are in the plural (i.e. contra (ii)).

(208) a. ǹ̩ téŋé à nàmɪ̃ã̀ ̀ rā.

> 1sg cut art meat foc

'I cut a piece of meat (i.e. made a cut in the flesh or cut into two pieces).'

b. ǹ̩ 1sg téŋé-sí cut-pv à art nàmɪ̃ã̀ ̀ meat rā. foc

'I cut the meat into pieces.'

<sup>51</sup> An exposition of the 'plural verbs' in Vagla can be found in Blench (2003). Dakubu, Atintono & Nsoh (2007: viii) calls a similar morpheme 'iterative' (i.e. Gurene -sɛ). Among the West African languages, it is the pluractional verbs in Hausa which have received most attention (see José 2008).

#### 4 Verbal

In (208b), the formal distinction on the verb 'cut', compared to (208a), causes the event to be interpreted as one which involves the repetition of the 'same' subevent. The word namɪ̃ã 'meat' is allowed in both the contexts of (208a) and (208b), although one may argue that the word namɪ̃ã is inherently plural but grammatically singular, and that the word is appropriate in both contexts. Despite the fact that 'meat' has indeed a plural form, i.e. nansa, it is probably the mass term denotation of namɪ̃ãwhich makes (208b) acceptable.

(209) a. ǹ̩ 1sg tʃígé turn à art hɛ̀ná bowl.sg rá. foc

'I turn (upside down) the bowl.'

b. ǹ̩ 1sg tʃígé-sí turn-pv à art hɛ̀nsá bowl.pl rá. foc

'I turn (upside down) the bowls (one after the other).'

c. (?) n̩ 1sg tʃige-si turn-pv a art hɛna bowl.sg ra. foc

'I turn (upside down in a repetitional fashion) the bowl.'

In (209), however, the grammatical object of a pluractional verb tʃigesi 'turn iteratively' or 'put on face down iteratively' must refer to individuated entities. Comparing (209a) and (209c) with (209b), the pluractional verb cannot coexist with a singular noun as grammatical object due to the fact that some 'turning' events are hard to conceive as affecting the same object in a repetitive fashion. However, in (210) the 'beating' can affect one or several individuals.

	- b. ǹ̩ 1sg túgó-sí beat-pv à art bìsé child.pl ré. foc ' I beat the children.'
	- c. ǹ̩ 1sg túgó-sí beat-pv à art bìè child.sg rē. foc

'I beat the child (more than once, over a short period of time).'

Whereas (210c) has a possible interpretation, two language consultants could not assign a meaning to (211d) below.

	- b. ŋ̩ ̀ 1sg kpágá-sɪ́ caught-pv à art zálɪɛ́ ́ chicken.pl rà. foc

'I caught chickens (i.e. in repeated actions).'

c. ŋ̩ ̀ 1sg kpágá caught à art zálɪɛ́ ́ chicken.pl rà. foc

'I caught chickens (i.e. in one move).'

d. (?) ŋ̩ 1sg kpaga-sɪ caught-pv a art zal chicken.sg la. foc

'I caught a chicken (i.e. after unsuccessful attempts until finally succeeding with one particular chicken).'

A pluractional verb usually denotes an action, but not a state. Therefore, in (211), the sense of kpaga1 is related to 'catch', and not to the possessive sense of the verbal state lexeme kpaga<sup>2</sup> 'have'.<sup>52</sup> Beside /-sI/, the suffix /-gE/ may also turn a verbal process lexeme into a pluractional verb, e.g. tɔtɪ 'pluck' *>* tɔrəgɛ 'pluck iteratively' and keti 'break' *>* kerigi'break iteratively'.

	- b. kà go páá take.pl zálɪɛ́ ́ fowl.pl hámà dem.pl tà. let.free 'Go and take these fowls away.'

Finally, a pluractional verb must not necessarily display the suffixation pattern described above. This is confirmed by the pair kpa/paa'take' in (212).

## **4.3.3 Possible derivational suffixes**

Dakubu (2009b: 37) and Bonvini (1988: 69) identify some derivational suffixes in Gurene and Kasem respectively, but write that their signification is hard to

<sup>52</sup> Though I like to treat dʊasɪ as a counterexample. The pluractional verb dʊasɪ 'be in a row' may be derived from the existential predicate dʊa 'be on/at/in'. For instance, the verbs tele 'lean' and telege 'lean' are determined by the number value (sg/pl) of the subject. If more examples like these arise, *pluractional* would then loose its literal signification.

4 Verbal

establish. However, their descriptions indicate that derivational suffixes mainly encode aspectual distinctions.

As mentioned in Section 4.1.1, about 90% of the verbs are monosyllabic or bisyllabic, and only the consonants m, t, s, n, l, and g are found in onset position word-medially in trisyllabic verbs. This situation could suggest that 10% of the verbs in the current lexicon are the product of verbal derivation, and that the consonants found in onset position word-medially in trisyllabic verbs are part of derivational suffixes.

(213) a. ʊ̀ 3sg wʊ́rɪgɪ ́ ́ scatter à art hàɣlíbíé block.pl ré. foc

'He scattered the mud blocks.' (they were piled and packed)

b. ʊ̀ 3sg wʊ́rá move à art hàɣlíbíí block ré. foc

'He moved the mud block.' (they are uneven, but still piled)

However, apart from the pluractional suffix discussed in Section 4.3.2, it is impossible at this stage of the research to establish a systematic mapping between the third syllable of a trisyllabic verb and a meaning.


Table 35: Possible derivational suffixes

The example provided in (213a) and Table 35 presents some indications that m,l, and g, i.e. CVCV{m, l, g} V, are involved in some kinds of derivation, although the next step would be to determine their exact meaning.<sup>53</sup>

<sup>53</sup> The verb pair go 'round' and goro '(go in) circle' is manifestly a derivation as well, i.e. CV *>* CV-rV.

# **5 Grammatical pragmatics and language usage**

In this section are presented aspects of the grammar which do not naturally fit within the distinction *clause*, *verbal* or *nominal* and "which involve encoded conventions correlating between specific linguistic expressions and extra-grammatical concepts" (Ariel 2010: 256). Sections 5.1 and 5.2 present adverbial deixis particles, Section 5.3 offers an overview of what has been stated on *focus*, and the remaining covers selected pieces of language usage and everyday communication.

# **5.1 Manner deictics**

Chakali has a two-term exophoric system of manner deixis (Koenig 2012); the expressions keŋ and nɪŋ are treated as two manner deictics (glossed dxm). Manner is a cover term since the content dimension appears to cover degree and quality as well. Consider the examples in (214).

(214) a. kén dxm nè foc bà 3pl.h+ já hab jāà. do 'That's the way to do it. (manner)' b. hàɣlɪkɪ ́ ŋ́ ̀ snake zéné long mààsɪ̀ equal nɪń dxm nà. foc

'The snake was that/this big. (degree)'


The expressions keŋ and nɪŋ are very frequent and bring to mind the English 'like this/that', that is, an expression which refers to something extralinguistic yet in the context of the utterance. In that sense they can be treated as pro-forms. Example (215) illustrates this point.

(215) a. bàáŋ q ɲʊ̃ ̀ã̀sá smoke káá egr sìì rise báŋ̀ dem nɪ̄ postp nɪ̏ŋ? dxm 'What smoke is rising here like this?' [PY 059] 5 Grammatical pragmatics and language usage

b. bàáŋ q.what káá egr jāā do kȅŋ? dxm 'What is doing like that?' (Reaction to a sound coming from inside a pot)

The meaning difference between nɪŋ and keŋ seem to be motivated by the way they encode a sort of psychological saliency on a proximal/distal dimension. This distinction needs more evidence than the one I provide, but consider the conversation between A and B in (216).

(216) a. A: nɪń dxm nā foc bààbá B. ŋmȁ? say 'Is this what Baaba said?' b. B: ɛ̃ ̀ɛ̃ɛ́ ̃ ̀ yes kén*ꜜ* dxm né foc ʊ̀ 3sg ŋmá. say 'Yes, that is what he said.'

Similarly, the (fictional) discourse excerpt in (217) concerns a father (A) addressing his son (B) on the topic of how to ignite kapok fiber. The sentence (217c) is accompanied with a demonstration on how to strike a cutlass on a stone.

(217) a. A: kpá take kóŋ kapok à conn ŋmɛ̀nà ignite díŋ! fire

'Take some kapok and start a fire!'


In the context of (217), at the farm the next day, the boy (B) would tell a colleague: kén nē bà já ŋmɛ̀nà, *lit.* like.that they do ignite, 'that is how one ignites'.

(218) nɪŋ́ dxm lɛ̀ɪ́ neg ʊ̀ʊ̀ 3sg.poss dɪ̀à house háŋ̀ dem já hab dʊ̀. be 'This is not how his room used to be.' [PY 78]

In (218), nɪŋ refers to the condition of the room, which is not a manner but a property of the room. In addition, keŋ and nɪŋ can function as discourse particles, whose meanings resemble English 'like' in some registers (Siegel 2002). In (219), keŋ is considered superfluous since it does not contribute to the manner of motion or the state of the participant.<sup>54</sup>

(219) ǹ̩ 1sg káálʊ̄ʊ̄ go.ipfv.foc kéŋ̀. dxm 'I am leaving like that.'

Also, depending on the intonation associated with it, and whether or not the focus particle is present, keŋ and nɪŋ can function as interjections used to convey comprehension or surprise. So a phrase like kén nȅȅ could be roughly translated as 'Is that so?', kén nè has a similar function to the English tag-question 'Isn't it?', but kéēèŋ or kén*ꜜ*nécould be translated as 'yes, that is it'.

Finally, McGill, Fembeti & Toupin (1999) presents nyɛ and ɛɛ (variant gɛɛ) as demonstrative pronouns in Pasaale, which can also modify an entire clause. The former corresponds to 'this' and the latter to 'that'. At this point, it is a matter of comparing the two languages and the terminology employed. Nonetheless, in the majority of the examples provided by McGill, Fembeti & Toupin (1999), Chakali keŋ and nɪŋseem to have the same function.

# **5.2 Spatial deictics**

A speaker-subjective, two-way contrast exists to locate entities in space. The spatial deixis demonstrative bááŋ̀ designates the location of the speaker, while the spatial deixis demonstrative dé designates where the speaker is not located. They represent what is known as the 'proximal' and 'distal' dimensions of spatial deixis.

(220) a. wàà come bááŋ̀. dxl 'Come here.'

<sup>54</sup> Something identical to the translation of (219) may be heard in all over the country, in both the Ghanaian languages and Ghanaian English.

5 Grammatical pragmatics and language usage

b. ʊ̀ psg dʊ́á be.at dé dxl (nɪ).̄ postp 'He is there.'

In (220a) and (220b), they are translated as 'here' and 'there' respectively, and glossed dxl, standing for 'locative deixis'. Notice that unlike the single demonstrative modifier discussed in Section 3.7, bááŋ̀ and dé do encode a proximal/distal distinction.

# **5.3 Focus**

Since the notion of focus has been discussed separately in connection with nominals and verbals, this section offers a basic overview of what has been stated. Dik (1997: 326) writes that "the focal information in a linguistic expression is that information which is relatively the most important or salient in the given communicative setting". In Chakali, there are several ways in which a speaker can integrate focal information, and all of them put 'in focus' a constituent.<sup>55</sup> The first encodes focal information in a particle which always follows a nominal, i.e. ra and variants. Its phonological shape is determined by the preceding phonological material (see Sections 3.2.2.2 and 3.8). The second, which was called the assertive suffix, takes the form of vowel features which are suffixed onto the verb (see Sections 4.1.4.1 and 4.3). It was claimed that the assertive suffix surfaces only if (i) none of the other constituents in the clause are in focus, (ii) the clause does not include propositional negation, and (iii) the clause is intransitive. The second criterion (ii) is applicable to the particle ra as well: thus focal information can only exist in affirmative clauses, negation automatically prevents information from being in focus. In (221), the examples illustrate how the focal information is encoded when the object (221a), the subject (221b) and the predicate (221c) are considered the most important piece of information.

<sup>55</sup> The terminology employed in the literature is probably the result of complex and still obscure phenomena. For instance, for the post-verbal particle la in Dagaare, Bodomo (1997) uses the term 'factitive' and 'affirmative' particle interchangeably, Dakubu (2005) uses '(broad- and narrow-)focus' and glosses it either as aff or foc, and Saanchi (2003) uses post-verbal particle and glosses it as aff. The latest contribution to the discussion is Sakurai (2014) which uses a Lexical-Functional Grammar formalism to account for the special distribution of la. In-depth accounts of focus in Grusi languages can only be found in Blass (1990), but see also McGill, Fembeti & Toupin (1999). Anne Schwarz has worked extensively on the topic in some Gur and Kwa languages (Schwarz 2010).

(221) a. Focus on object: What has the man chewed? à art báál man tíē chew sɪgá́ bean rá. foc 'The man chewed beans.' kàlá K. tíē chew sɪgá́ bean rá. foc 'Kala chewed beans.' b. Focus on subject: Who has chewed the beans? à art báál man là foc tíē chew sɪgá. ́ bean 'the man chewed beans.' kàláá K. tíē chew sɪgá. ́ bean 'kala chewed beans.' c. Focus on predicate: What happened? à art báál man tíéwóó. chew.pfv.foc

'The man chewed.'

The focus particle does not differentiate between grammatical functions and some times appears to be optional. Also, the assertive suffix is quite rare in narratives. Blass (1990: 94) is the only author to my knowledge who identifies the presence of evidentiality – hearsay, more precisely – in Gur languages. According to her the morpheme rɛ in Sissala refers to reported or inferred information. This raise the question as to what extent the focus particle and the assertive suffix provide evidential information.<sup>56</sup>

Also, a third way to encode focus is the lengthening and emphasis of vocalic material. The issue remains far from clear and stands in need of more information.

(222) a. à art1 bɔ̀là elephant tɪ̀n art2 dí eat.pfv kɔ̀sá grass rá. foc 'The elephant ate grass.'

<sup>56</sup> A promising avenue to follow in the study of focus would be the recent work of Anne Schwarz who looks at the phenomenon from a perspective of encoding a thetic vs. categorical distinction.

#### 5 Grammatical pragmatics and language usage

	- K. ipfv voracious.foc.

'Kala is a voracious meat eater.'

e. káláá K.foc káá ipfv hɪ̃ɛ́ ̃rɪ́ .̄ voracious.

'Kala is a voracious meat eater.'

f. \*káláá káá hɪ̃ɛ́ ̃rʊ́ ̄ʊ̄.

Example (222) shows that since only one constituent can be focused, the lengthening of and special intonation on kàlá and tɪ̀n which is assumed to signal focus, together with another constituent in focus, is ungrammatical (cf. 222c and 222f).

# **5.4 Linguistic taboos**

A linguistic taboo is defined here as the avoidance of certain words on certain occasions due to misfortune associated with those words. These circumstances depend on belief; they can be widespread or marginal. The avoidance of certain words may depend on the time of the day or action carried out. For instance, not only is sweeping not allowed when someone eats, but uttering the word tʃãã 'broom' is also forbidden. Also, mentioning certain animal names is excluded as they may either be tabooed by someone present, due to his/her animal totem and/or its meat is forbidden, or attract the animal's attention, i.e. the belief that the animal may feel it is called out. The strategy is to substitute a word with another, often undertaking a metonymic strategy.

The second column of Table (36) contains expressions called taboo synonyms taboo synonyms; they are substitutes to the words of the the first column. The substitutes are usually complex stem nouns with a transparent descriptive meaning. Most of them use the stem tɪɪ́ná́ 'owner of', e.g. néŋ-tɪɪ̄nā̄ , *lit.* arm|handowner.of, 'elephant', the one with a big arm. The stem tɪɪ́ná́ 'owner of' can be characterized as a noun with an incomplete semantics which normally requires to be in an associative construction with another noun (i.e. person characterised by, owner of, or responsible for) and always appear following the 'possessed' stem.<sup>57</sup>

<sup>57</sup> Mampruli daana, Hausa mai, and Arabic dhūseem to correspond to the meaning of Chakali


Table 36: Taboo synonyms

# **5.5 Ideophones and iconic strategies**

Ideophones typically suggest the description of an abstract property or the manner in which an event unfolds.<sup>58</sup> The majority of ideophones function like qualifiers or intensifiers (Section 3.4.1) or adjunct adverbials (Section 5). In Chakali ideophones tend to appear at the right periphery of the sentence and with a low tone. Examples are provided in (223).<sup>59</sup>

(223) a. à art díŋ fire káá ipfv dīù eat gàlɪ̀gàlɪ̀gàlɪ̀/pèpèpè. ideo

'The fire is burning at an increasing rate.'


.

tɪɪna

<sup>58</sup> See a discussion in relation to African languages in Samarin (2001), and a review of the term in Newman (1968); Voeltz & Kilian-Hatz (2001); Dingemanse (2011).

<sup>59</sup> The translations into English in (223) were not tested for consistency across many speakers.

5 Grammatical pragmatics and language usage

d. à art sìbíé beans wàà neg márá well bɪ̀ɪ̀ ripe à conn dʊ́ be nɪŋ̄ dxm wùròwùròwùrò. ideo 'The bambara beans are not well cooked, they are still hard.'

An onomatopoeia is a type of ideophone which not only suggests the concept it expresses with sound, but imitates the actual sound of an entity or event. Examples of onomatopoeia are púpù 'motorbike', tʃétʃé 'bicycle', tʃɔ̀kɔ̃ ́ɪ̃ ́tʃɔ̀kɔ̃ ́ɪ̃ ́'sound of a guinea fowl', kr̀r̀r̀r̀ 'sound of running', pã̀ã̀ 'sound of an eruption caused by lighting a fire', gbàgbá 'duck',<sup>60</sup> and kpókòkpókòkpókò 'sound of knocking on a clay pot'. Similarly, an iconic strategy to convey an amplified meaning or the idea of continuity is to lengthen the sound of an existing word.

(224) kàwāá pumpkin sìì rise tàrɪ̀ creep kéééééééŋ, dxm àkà conn dʊ́á be.at bà 3sg.poss dɪ̀ànʊ̃ ́ã́ door nɪ̀. postp 'The pumpkin crept, crept, crept, and crept up to their door mat.' [PY 56]

In (224) the manner deictics keŋ (Section 5.1) is stretched to simulate the extention in time of the event, i.e. the pumpkin grew until it reached the door.<sup>61</sup>

Reduplication of one or two syllables is the general structural shape of ideophones and onomatopoeias. A large set of visual perception expressions can be treated as ideophonic expressions (Section 3.4), all of which are reduplicated expressions.

(225) Visual perception expressions and non-attested stems


Assuming that reduplication is a morphological process in which the root or stem is repeated (fully or partially), then it is questionable whether one can treat most of the naming data as reduplication. It is obvious from the examples in

<sup>60</sup> The word for 'duck' is probably borrowed from Waali. I was told that the bird was introduced recently. It was hard to find one in the villages visited.

<sup>61</sup> An equivalent meaning may be expressed in some varieties of Gh. Eng. with the adverbial expression ãããã, as in 'Today I worked ãããã, until night time.'

(225) that there is a 'form-doubling' on the surface, yet such expressions are not made out of attested stems (and they do not have loci in the chromatic space, see Brindle 2016).

# **5.6 Interjections and formulaic language**

This section introduces some pieces of formulaic language, which is defined as conventionalized words or phrases. It usually include greetings, idioms, proverbs, etc. (Wray 2005). First, common interjections are introduced in Table 37, <sup>62</sup> then some greetings and idioms are presented.


Table 37: Selected interjections

Since they are conventionalized and idiomatic, the translations of formulaic language in Table 37 are rough approximations. The dictionary offers various

<sup>62</sup> The etymology of ʔàmé has not been confirmed and gááfʊ̆ ̀rà is ultimately Hausa. The word ʃʊ̃ ̃ ́ɛ̃ ̀ɛ̃̀is equivalent to the function associated with the action of tʃuuse in Chakali (tʃʊʊrɪ in Dagaare, tʃʊʊhɛin Waali, 'puf' or 'paf' in Gh. Eng., *<* English 'pout'), which is a fricative sound produced by a non-pulmonic, velarized ingressive airstream mechanism, articulated with the lower lip and the upper front teeth while the lips are protruded.

#### 5 Grammatical pragmatics and language usage

spellings since variations are regularly perceived.

## **5.6.1 Greetings**

Compulsory prior to any communicative exchange, greetings trigger both attention and respect. When meeting with elders, one should squat or bend forward hands-on-knees while greeting. Praise names can be used in greetings, e.g. ɪtʃà́ 'respect to you and to your clan'. In Table 38, typical greeting lines with some responses are provided. Note that the forms for morning and afternoon greetings are also used by the Gonjas.


Table 38: Greetings

The second singular plural ma is added, i.e. ánsùmōō *↔* māānsùmōō, when there is more than one addressee or when there is a single person but the greetings are intended to the entire house/family: thus the number distinction ɪ/ma does not correspond to a politeness function. Chakali morning and afternoon greetings resemble those of Waali and other languages of the area. The response to various greetings such as ɪ́dɪá́ '(how is) your house?', ʔánsà 'welcome, thanks' and many others is the multifunctional expression ʔàwó, which is, among other things, a sign of appraisal of the interlocutor's concerns. The same expression is found in Gonja, but its function is believed to be slightly different. I was told that the more extensive the greetings, the more respect one shows the addressee. For instance, the elders do not appreciate the tendency of the youths to morninggreet as ãsūmō ̄ , but prefer something like áánsùùmōōō.

Other ritualized expressions often used are: tʃɔ̄pɪsɪ̄ ́ālɪ̀ɛ̀ *lit.* morning two, 'long time no see' (Section 3.6.7); bámùŋ kɔ́rɛ́ɪ́*lit.* all.+hum extent (unknown origin), 'how are all your people?', ànɪ́mà wʊ̀zʊ́ʊ́rɪ́tɪ̀ŋ, *lit.* and your day, used after any bad event which happened to someone, e.g. referring to a funeral day, when the

speaker has not seen the addressee since that day, among other expressions.

## **5.6.2 Idioms**

An idiom is a composite expression which does not convey the literal meaning of the composition of its parts. Common among many African languages is a strategy by which abstract nominals are expressed in idiomatic compounds. These compounds are made of stems whose meanings are disassociated from their ordinary usage.

Some examples have already been provided in Section 3.4. In Chakali, words identifying mental states and habits/behaviors are often idiomatic, e.g. síínʊ̀màtɪɪ́nà́ (sii-nʊma-tɪɪna, *lit.* eye-hot-owner) 'wild' or nʊ̃ ̀ã̀pʊ̀mmá (nʊ̃ã-pʊmma, *lit.* mouth-white) 'unreserved'. Even though the expression síínʊ̀màtɪɪ́nà́ is made out of three lexical roots, it is a "sealed" expression and is associated with the manner in which a person behaves, i.e. a wild person. The sequence jaa nʊ̃ã dɪgɪmaŋain (226), *lit.* do-mouth-one, is also treated as an idiomatic expression.

(226) bà 3pl jáá do nʊ̃ ̀ã̀ mouth dɪgɪ ́ máŋá ́ one à conn sùmmè help dɔ́ŋà. recp 'They should agree and help each other.'

Needless to say, it is often difficult to distinguish between an idiomatic expression and an expression in which only one of the components is use in a non-literal sense.

# **5.7 Clicks**

Naden (1989: 151) writes that clicks<sup>63</sup> may be heard in the Gur-speaking area to mean an affirmative 'yes', or 'I'm listening'. This also occurs in the villages where I stayed, but I noticed that one click usually means 'yes', 'I understand' or 'I agree', whereas two clicks mean the opposite. The click is palatal and produced with the lips closed.

<sup>63</sup> A click may be roughly defined as the release of a pocket of air enclosed between two points of contact in the mouth. The air is rarefied by a sucking action of the tongue (see Ladefoged 1993).

Allan, Keith. 2001. *Natural Language Semantics*. Oxford: Blackwell.









# **Name index**

Allan, Keith, 321, 356 Ameka, Felix K., 309, 311, 313, 332, 365 Amidu, Assibi Apatewon, 345 Ariel, Mira, 442 Aritiba, Adji Sardji, 350 Atintono, Samuel Awinkene, 7, 17, 313, 362, 438 Awedoba, Albert K., 278, 345, 347, 350 Baldi, Sergio, 17, 434 Bendor-Samuel, John T., 5, 349 Bergman, Richard, 257, 258, 264, 277, 295 Bickel, Balthasar, 18 Blass, Regina, 6, 445, 446 Blench, Roger, 438 Bodomo, Adams, 346, 414, 445 Bonvini, Emilio, 312, 337, 347, 350, 351, 413, 414, 440 Borrow, Nik, 16 Bourdin, Philippe, 422 Bowerman, Melissa, 313 Brindle, Jonathan Allen, vii, 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 19, 313, 314, 338, 345, 346, 360, 362, 373, 401, 450 Cansdale, George S., 12, 16 Cardinall, Alan W., 392

Casali, Roderic F., 258, 259, 297 Chan, Eugene, 381

Comrie, Bernard, 18, 345, 386 Corbett, Greville G., 401, 407 Crouch, Marjorie, 257, 258, 264, 277, 279, 295, 337, 338 Daannaa, Henry Seidu, 6–8 Dakubu, Mary Esther Kropp, 6, 17, 258, 278, 297, 313, 362, 411, 422, 423, 438, 440, 445 De Witte, Carlien, 313 Delafosse, Maurice, 5 Delplanque, Alain, 350 Demey, Ron, 16 Dik, Simon C., 333, 334, 445 Dingemanse, Mark, 448 Dixon, R. M. W., 303, 407 Dougah, J. C., 6 Dumestre, Gérard, 17 Duperray, Anne-Marie, 5 Essegbey, James, 311, 332 Fembeti, Samuel, 322, 325, 338, 349, 444, 445 Fennig, Charles D., 3 Frawley, William, 428 Goody, Jack, 5, 7, 8, 381, 382 Gray, Claire, 257, 258, 264, 277, 295 Gray, Ian, 257, 258, 264, 277, 295 Greenberg, Joseph, 380, 382 Grinevald, Colette, 407 Gundel, Jeanette K., 336

#### Name index

Hammarström, Harald, 3 Haspelmath, Martin, 18, 362 Hatfield, Deborah, 6 Hawthorne, William D., 16 Hedberg, Nancy, 336 Heine, Bernd, 363, 365, 366, 368 Hellwig, Birgit, 363 Herbert, Patricia, 257, 258, 264, 277, 279, 295 Hyman, Larry M., 285 Jongkind, Carel C. H., 16 José, Brian, 438 Kanganu, Daniel, 6, 7 Kedrebéogo, Gérard, 264 Kilian-Hatz, Christa, 448 Kleinewillinghöfer, Ulrich, 5, 6, 350 Kluge, Angela, 6 Koenig, Ekkehard, 442 Köhler, Oswin, 5 Ladefoged, Peter, 452 Levinson, Stephen C., 313 Lewis, Paul M., 3 Leynseele, Hélène van, 298 Lüpke, Friederike, 11 Maddieson, Ian, 266, 267 Manessy, Gabriel, 5, 258, 337, 344, 346, 347, 349, 350 Mané, Youssouph, 12, 16 McGill, Stuart, 322, 325, 338, 349, 444, 445 Meira, Sérgio, 313 Miehe, Gudrun, 346, 347, 349, 350 Moran, Steven Paul, 338 Naden, Anthony J., 7, 337, 338, 346, 363, 452

Newman, Paul, 17, 448 Nicolas, François, 5 Nicolle, Steve, 423 Nsoh, Ephraim Avea, 17, 362, 438 Olawsky, Knut J., 414 Ourso, Meterwa Akayhou, 350 Parker, Stephen, 282 Pederson, Eric, 313 Poppi, Cesare, 6 Purvis, Tristan Michael, 370 Rattray, Robert Sutherland, 5, 7, 381, 382 Reh, Mechthild, 363, 368 Reimer, Jean, 6 Rowland, Muriel, 257, 295 Rowland, Ronald, 257, 295, 338 Rytz, Otto, 357 Saanchi, J. Angkaaraba, 414, 445 Sakurai, Kazuhiro, 445 Salih, Mohammed Bin, 6 Samarin, William J., 448 Schwarz, Anne, 445 Siegel, Muffy E. A., 444 Simons, Gary F., 3 Smiles, Nancy, 257, 258, 277, 295 Stassen, Leon, 314 Stewart, John M., 258, 298 Tauxier, Louis, 5 Tchagbalé, M. Zakari, 338, 345–347, 350 Tompkins, Barbara, 6 Toupin, Mike, 257–259, 264, 277, 295, 322, 325, 338, 349, 444, 445 Trape, Jean-François, 12, 16

Name index

Vendler, Zeno, 413 Voeltz, F. K. Erhard, 448 Vydrine, Valentin, 17

Wilkins, David, 313 Wilks, Ivor, 5, 6 Wilson, W. A. A., 337 Winkelmann, Kerstin, 346, 347, 349, 350 Wray, Alison, 450

Zacharski, Ron, 336

# **Language index**

Akan, 268, 269, 271, 362, 395<sup>36</sup> Arabic, 275, 360, 363, 434, 447<sup>57</sup> Bulengi, 3, 6, 9, 362 Dagaare, 337, 346, 362, 381, 382, 392, 395<sup>36</sup> , 414<sup>42</sup> , 445<sup>55</sup> , 450<sup>62</sup> Dangme, 313<sup>3</sup> Dɛg, 3, 257<sup>1</sup> , 258, 258<sup>2</sup> , 264<sup>4</sup> , 279<sup>14</sup> , 295, 348<sup>17</sup> , 349, 349<sup>18</sup> , 350, 363, 381, 389<sup>32</sup> Ewe, 313<sup>3</sup> , 332, 332<sup>11</sup> Ga, 314<sup>5</sup> , 395<sup>36</sup> , 411<sup>41</sup> , 422 Gonja, 5, 283, 284, 357<sup>22</sup> , 360, 381, 450, 451 Grusi, vii, 3, 5, 5 3 , 7, 257, 258, 337, 344, 346, 347, 349, 350, 362, 381, 413, 414, 445<sup>55</sup> Guang, 5, 381 Gur, 3, 17, 258, 297, 337, 346, 347, 349, 350, 445<sup>55</sup> , 446, 452 Gurene, 422, 423<sup>46</sup> , 425<sup>47</sup> , 438<sup>51</sup> , 440 Hausa, 265, 266, 269, 274, 360, 362, 363, 395<sup>36</sup> , 434, 438<sup>51</sup> , 447<sup>57</sup> , 450, 450<sup>62</sup> Kantosi, 3 Kasem, 7 5 , 274, 337, 345, 350, 414, 440 Koromfe, 270<sup>9</sup>

Kwa, 297, 381, 445<sup>55</sup> Kyitu, 3, 350 Mande, 3 Mòoré, 270<sup>9</sup> Niger-Congo, 405 Oti-Volta, 3, 283, 313<sup>4</sup> , 337, 341, 346, 363, 381, 382, 414, 423<sup>46</sup> Pasaale, 3, 14<sup>1</sup> , 257<sup>1</sup> , 259, 295, 322<sup>8</sup> , 325<sup>10</sup> , 338<sup>13</sup> , 349, 381, 382, 395<sup>37</sup> , 444 Phuie, 3, 350 Proto-Gur, 346 Sisaala, 3, 257, 257<sup>1</sup> , 295, 338<sup>13</sup> , 350, 363, 395<sup>36</sup> Siti, 3, 350 Tampulma, 3, 14<sup>1</sup> , 257<sup>1</sup> , 295, 348<sup>17</sup> , 349, 350, 381, 382 Tem, 345 Vagla, 3, 14<sup>1</sup> , 257<sup>1</sup> , 258, 273<sup>10</sup> , 274, 288<sup>19</sup> , 295, 338<sup>13</sup> , 348, 348<sup>17</sup> , 349, 349<sup>18</sup> , 350, 360, 363, 381, 389<sup>32</sup> , 438<sup>51</sup> Waali, 3, 6, 9, 11, 268, 275, 276, 337, 345, 362, 363, 363<sup>24</sup> , 373, 381, 382, 389<sup>32</sup> , 392, 395<sup>36</sup> , 449<sup>60</sup> , 450<sup>62</sup> , 451 Winyé, 3, 350

# **Subject index**

adjunct, 302, 303, 448 adverbial, 274, 328, 331 affirmative, 445, 445<sup>55</sup> article, 286, 325, 334–337, 396, 398, 400, 408, 410, 426, 429 assertive, 414, 426, 436, 445 Bulenga, 3, 6–9, 359 capitalization, 16 Chasia, 5, 8, 359 classifier, 331, 379, 406, 407, 407<sup>39</sup> click, 452 complementizer, 325, 327, 328 complex stem noun, 447 connective, 310, 315, 323–326, 330, 332, 397–400, 431, 434 controller, 388, 401, 403, 404 crastinal, 429 derivational suffix, 440, 441 distal, 443, 444 Ducie, vii, ix, 4, 5, 5 2 , 7–11, 13, 19, 269<sup>6</sup> , 359, 361, 363<sup>25</sup> , 382, 392, 425 egressive, 422, 429 emphatic pronoun, 369 enumerative, 388, 389, 389<sup>32</sup> epenthesis, 287, 291, 292 etymology, 347<sup>16</sup> , 450<sup>62</sup> expanded verbal group, 410

focus, 278, 286, 289, 293, 294, 298, 299, 302<sup>1</sup> , 308, 309, 313, 351, 369, 370, 380, 396, 397, 406, 410, 411, 414, 417, 420, 426, 435, 436, 444, 445, 445<sup>55</sup> , 446, 446<sup>56</sup> , 447 formulaic language, 450 greetings, 451 Gurumbele, vii, ix, 4, 5, 7–11, 359, 361, 363<sup>25</sup> , 425 habitual, 433 harmony rule, 294, 339 headword, 13, 15, 17 hesternal, 429 human, 345, 346, 366, 369, 374, 387, 401–403, 405, 407 ideophone, 286, 330, 332, 448, 449 imperfective, 414<sup>42</sup> , 416, 417, 419, 420, 427, 429, 435 ingressive, 422 intensifier, 448 interjection, 262, 272, 286, 444, 450 interrogative, 301, 317–319, 372, 373, 379 intonation, 286<sup>18</sup> , 294, 295, 297, 318, 411, 433, 434, 444 iterative, 432, 438<sup>51</sup> Katua, vii, 4, 5, 7–11, 359, 363<sup>25</sup> , 382

#### Subject index

lemma, 13 lengthening, 318, 340, 369, 374, 389, 389<sup>32</sup> , 397, 419, 425–427, 429, 433, 434, 446, 447, 449 locative, 303, 306, 313, 313<sup>4</sup> , 328, 332, 363, 373, 445 manner, 328 manner deixis, 442, 449 metonymy, 447 modality, 317, 428, 431 Motigu, vii, 4, 5, 7–11, 359, 360, 363<sup>25</sup> multi-verb, 309, 310, 312–314 negation, 308, 318, 379, 380, 396, 397, 414, 415, 417, 425, 426, 432, 435, 445 negative polarity, 434 non-human, 369, 373, 374, 387, 401, 402, 405, 407, 436<sup>49</sup> , 436<sup>50</sup> numeral, 334, 379–383, 385–387, 389–391, 394–396, 403, 404 object index, 371, 435, 436 obligation, 431 oblique phrase, 331 onomatopoeia, 274, 449 optative, 320, 428 orthography, 13, 16 perfective, 351, 412, 414, 415, 418, 419, 435 pluractional, 440, 441 plural, 15, 269, 297, 298, 320, 338, 339, 343<sup>15</sup> , 345, 347–351, 352<sup>20</sup> , 353, 361, 366, 369, 375, 381, 395, 395<sup>37</sup> , 401, 406, 436, 436<sup>49</sup> , 436<sup>50</sup> , 437, 438, 438<sup>51</sup> , 439

possessive, 307, 308, 335, 364, 374, 401 postposition, 286, 299, 302, 303, 306, 313, 314, 329, 331–333, 367, 373, 396 preverb, 421, 426–428, 430, 433 progressive, 416, 423, 429 pronoun, 283, 293, 295, 311, 315, 317, 320, 332–335, 367–370, 370<sup>28</sup> , 371, 372, 374, 396– 399, 404, 410, 413, 417–419, 421, 424 proper noun, 397 proximal, 443, 444 qualifier, 353, 376, 377, 386, 408, 448 quantifier, 331, 379, 380, 386, 395, 396, 402, 404, 426 reduplication, 350–352, 377, 449 relational noun, 332, 363, 364, 367 serial verb construction, 304 Sigmaa, 6 Sigu, 361 Sogla, 4, 5, 7–11, 360 spatial deixis, 444 stem vowel, 339 strong pronoun, 309, 369, 399 subjunctive, 421 synonym, 447 taboo, 447 target, 401, 403, 404 temporal, 328, 329, 332, 399, 400, 428 three-interval tense, 428 Tiisa, 4, 7–11, 359, 363<sup>25</sup> tonal melody, 347, 362, 411, 419, 420, 425

Subject index

tone, 294, 295, 317, 318 Tuosa, 4–11, 359–361, 363<sup>25</sup> , 382

variant, 5 3 , 15, 16, 258, 294, 307, 425, 426, 436, 444 verbal group, 410, 411, 425, 434 vigesimal-decimal, 386

Wa, 8, 359 weak pronoun, 337, 369, 374, 403

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# A dictionary and grammatical outline of Chakali

This book is the first comprehensive monograph dedicated to Chakali, a Southwestern Grusi language spoken by less than 3500 people in northwest Ghana. The dictionary offers a consistent description of word meaning and provides the basis for future research in the linguistic area. It is also designed to provide an inventory of correspondence with English usage in a reversal index. The concepts used in the dictionary are explained in a grammar outline, which is of interest to specialists in Gur and Grusi linguistics, as well as any language researchers working in this part of the world.